The Hutton Inquiry

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Hearing Transcripts

October 13, 2003: Morning

Sir Kevin Tebbit

Ministry of Defence

October 13, 2003: Afternoon

Sir Kevin Tebbit

Ministry of Defence

September 25, 2003: Morning

Jeremy Gompertz QC

Counsel for the Kelly family

Jonathan Sumption QC

Counsel for the Government

September 25, 2003: Afternoon

Jonathan Sumption QC

Counsel for the Government

Andrew Caldecott QC

Counsel for the BBC

Heather Rogers QC

Counsel for Andrew Gilligan

James Dingemans QC

Counsel for the Inquiry

Closing statement by Lord Hutton

September 24, 2003: Morning

Patrick Lamb

Deputy Head of the Counter Proliferation Department FCO

Dr Bryan Wells

Director of Counter Proliferation and Arms Control, MOD

Gavyn Davies

BBC

September 24, 2003: Afternoon

Richard Hatfield

Personnel Director MOD

Dr Bryan Wells

Director of Counter Proliferation and Arms Control, MOD

Nick Rufford

Sunday Times, journalist

Wing Commander John Clark

Ministry of Defence

James Harrison

Ministry of Defence

Professor Keith Hawton

Psychiatrist

September 23, 2003: Morning

Godric Smith

Prime Minister's Press Office

Tom Kelly

Prime Minister's Press Office

John Scarlett

Cabinet Office

September 23, 2003: Afternoon

John Scarlett

Cabinet Office

Assistant Chief Constable Michael Page

Thames Valley Police

September 22, 2003: Morning

Lee Hughes

Hutton Inquiry Secretariat

Geoffrey Hoon MP

Secretary of State for Defence

September 22, 2003: Afternoon

Alastair Campbell

Prime Minister's Office

September 18, 2003: Morning

Richard Hatfield

Personnel Director MOD

Pamela Teare

Director of News, MoD

September 18, 2003: Afternoon

Andrew Gilligan

BBC Reporter

Pamela Teare

Director of News, MoD

Edward Wilding

Computer Investigator

Professor A J Sammes

Professor of Computer Science and Director of the Centre for Forensic Computing at Cranfield University

September 17, 2003: Morning

Andrew Gilligan

BBC Reporter

September 17, 2003: Afternoon

Richard Hatfield

Personnel Director MOD

Richard Sambrook

Head of News, BBC

September 16, 2003: Morning

Martin Howard

Deputy Chief of Defence Intelligence MOD

DC Graham Coe

Police Officer

Dr Nicholas Hunt

Forensic Pathologist

September 16, 2003: Afternoon

Dr Shuttleworth

Defence, Science & Technology Laboratory

Kate Wilson

Chief Press Officer, MoD

September 15, 2003: Morning

Counsel's opening statement

Tony Cragg

Air Marshal J French

September 15, 2003: Afternoon

Sir Richard Dearlove

Dr Richard Scott

Greg Dyke

September 4, 2003: Morning

Olivia Bosch

Colleague

Leigh Potter

Neighbour

Tom Mangold

Journalist

Richard Taylor

Special Advisor to Secretary of State for Defence

September 3, 2003: Morning

Richard Allan

Toxicologist

Assistant Chief Constable Page

Steven Macdonald

MOD

Dr Jones

September 3, 2003: Afternoon

Patrick Lamb

Deputy Head of the Counter Proliferation Department FCO

Dr Jones

Mr A

MOD

Mr Green

Forensic Biologist

September 2, 2003: Morning

Ruth Absalom

Neighbour

Dr Malcolm Warner

GP

Louise Holmes

Search team

Paul Chapman

Search team

PC Andrew Franklin

PC Martyn Sawyer

Sergeant Geoffrey Webb

September 2, 2003: Afternoon

PC Jonathan Martyn

Vanessa Hunt

Ambulance

David Bartlett

Ambulance

Barney Leith

Baha'i faith

Professor Hawton

Psychiatrist

September 1, 2003: Morning

Mrs Kelly

Family

Sarah Pape

Family

Rachel Kelly

Family

September 1, 2003: Afternoon

Professor Roger Avery

Friend

David Wilkins

Family

August 28, 2003: Morning

Tony Blair MP

Prime Minister

Gavyn Davies

BBC

August 28, 2003: Afternoon

Gavyn Davies

BBC

August 27, 2003: Morning

Geoff Hoon MP

Secretary of State for Defence

August 27, 2003: Afternoon

Wing Commander John Clark

Ministry of Defence

James Harrison

Ministry of Defence

Ann Taylor MP

Chair of Intelligence and Security Committee

August 26, 2003: Morning

Andrew MacKinlay MP

Foreign Affairs Select Committee

John Scarlett

Cabinet Office

August 26, 2003: Afternoon

John Scarlett

Cabinet Office

Sir David Omand

Cabinet Office

August 21, 2003: Morning

Donald Anderson MP

Foreign Affairs Select Committee

Nick Rufford

Sunday Times, journalist

James Blitz

Financial Times, journalist

August 21, 2003: Afternoon

Richard Norton-Taylor

Guardian, journalist

Peter Beaumont

The Observer, journalist

Tom Baldwin

The Times, journalist

Michael Evans

The Times, journalist

David Broucher

Foreign and Commonwealth Office

Lee Hughes

Hutton Inquiry Secretariat

August 20, 2003: Morning

Sir Kevin Tebbit

Ministry of Defence

August 20, 2003: Afternoon

Godric Smith

Prime Minister's Press Office

Tom Kelly

Prime Minister's Press Office

August 19, 2003: Morning

Alastair Campbell

Prime Minister's Office

August 19, 2003: Afternoon

Alastair Campbell

Prime Minister's Office

August 18, 2003: Morning

Pam Teare

Ministry of Defence Press Office

Jonathan Powell

Prime Minister's Office

August 18, 2003: Afternoon

Jonathan Powell

Prime Minister's Office

Sir David Manning

Prime Minister's Office

August 14, 2003: Morning

Dr Bryan Wells

Director of Counter Proliferation and Arms Control, MOD

August 14, 2003: Afternoon

Martin Howard

Deputy Chief of Defence Intelligence MOD

Patrick Lamb

Deputy Head of the Counter Proliferation Department FCO

John Williams

Director of Communications, FCO

August 13, 2003: Morning

Susan Watts

BBC Reporter

Gavin Hewitt

BBC Reporter

August 13, 2003: Afternoon

Gavin Hewitt

BBC Reporter

Richard Sambrook

Head of News, BBC

August 12, 2003: Morning

Andrew Gilligan

BBC Reporter

August 12, 2003: Afternoon

Andrew Gilligan

BBC Reporter

Susan Watts

BBC Reporter

August 11, 2003: Morning

Terence Taylor

President and Executive Director for the International Institute of Strategic Studies (US)

Richard Hatfield

Personnel Director MOD

Patrick Lamb

Deputy Head of the Counter Proliferation Department FCO

August 11, 2003: Afternoon

Martin Howard

Deputy Chief of Defence Intelligence MOD

Patrick Lamb

Deputy Head of the Counter Proliferation Department FCO

Julian Miller

Chief of the Assessment Staff Cabinet Office.


hutton.softblade.com

Tuesday, 23rd September 2003
(10.15 am)
MR TOM KELLY (called)

LORD HUTTON: Good morning ladies and gentlemen. Yes. Sit down Mr Kelly.

Examined by MR SUMPTION

LORD HUTTON: Yes Mr Sumption.

MR SUMPTION: Mr Kelly, we have heard evidence from Mr Godric Smith about a suggestion by Alastair Campbell on the evening of 7th July that a newspaper should be briefed in advance of the Prime Minister's appearance before the Liaison Committee with the fact that someone had come forward as a possible source. Were you, yourself, present when Mr Campbell made a suggestion on that subject?

MR KELLY: No, I was not.

MR SUMPTION: There is a difference of recollection as to exactly what was said, whether it related to briefing a newspaper or the press generally. What did you first hear about it and from whom?

MR KELLY: Godric Smith came back into the room where he and I share an office, sitting opposite each other; and Godric said that Alastair had suggested getting the fact that someone had come forward out into the press. Now, I am not clear, in my own mind, as to what form Godric suggested that that would take place but he and I had a very quick conversation and both agreed that it was not a good idea.

MR SUMPTION: Why did you not think it was a good idea?

MR KELLY: Because I think it was better that we let events take their course and I thought it was premature. I also thought that whenever we did reveal the knowledge we should do it in the right way, rather than seem to pre-empt it in any way.

MR SUMPTION: What did you regard as the right way?

MR KELLY: The right way I regarded to let the MoD procedure go forward, because that was what the Prime Minister had insisted on all the way through; that the MoD procedures should be allowed to take their course and that the MoD should be allowed to make the announcement in the way that they wanted; and I understood that statement was being prepared.

MR SUMPTION: Did you discuss your view with Mr Campbell?

MR KELLY: Well, Alastair had left No. 10 at that point, so Godric contacted him on his mobile phone and we put the call on speaker phone; and we had what was a very short conversation in which we both said that we did not think it was a good idea and Alastair immediately accepted that the idea should not go forward. What I should stress is that what we were discussing was whether we should do this rather than the detail of how we might do it; and I think also what is important is to recognise that this all took place in a matter of a few moments. In fact, my memory of it was so fleeting that until Godric mentioned it to this Inquiry I had entirely forgotten the conversation.

MR SUMPTION: I would like to turn to the Lobby briefings at 9th July of this year, Mr Kelly. We know that there are two Lobby briefings each week day and that you and Godric Smith do them on alternate days. Can you summarise for us the format of these meetings? Can we get some idea of the way that they work and their atmosphere?

MR KELLY: Well my job as Prime Minister's Official Spokesman is to represent the views of the Prime Minister on the events of the day; and to answer questions on the Prime Minister's behalf at Lobby. The Lobby consists of anything between 20 and maybe even up to as many as 50 journalists in any day asking questions. It can range in duration from 15 minutes to an hour. There is no restriction on the number of questions and there is no restriction on the subject matter. So, you can be asked about the full range of Government policy.

MR SUMPTION: What do you have to do in order to be prepared to deal with this?

MR KELLY: Obviously I have to identify what the likely questions are going to be; find out (a) the Prime Minister's view, if that is relevant; (b) find out information from the departments; and work out what it is I can say. However, I would stress that no matter how much you prepare, you are not going to be able to anticipate every question that you are going to be asked. So quite a lot is thinking on your feet.

MR SUMPTION: What happens if you do not know the answer to a question?

MR KELLY: Well, that frankly depends on the seriousness of the issue. If it is what the press judge to be one of the main stories of the day and you do not know the answer then that is obviously thought to be a major failing and there is always the danger that they will interpret the fact that you do not know as either No. 10 distancing itself from the policy or as an inconsistency or lack of clarity about the policy.

MR SUMPTION: When you began to prepare for the Lobby briefings on 9th July, what were the matters that you expected to be asked about?

MR KELLY: Well, obviously, the MoD statement which had been issued on the evening beforehand was going to be the major subject; but that was very much going to be conditioned by the BBC statement which had been issued just an hour afterwards, which had called into question two of the central elements of the MoD statement.

MR SUMPTION: What elements had that statement called into question?

MR KELLY: Well, what they had called into question was the fact that Mr Gilligan, the MoD had said, had known or the official who had come forward had known Mr Gilligan for a matter of months; the BBC said it had been longer than that, it had been for years; and also the BBC stated that the official -- Mr Gilligan's source -- did not work for the MoD.

MR SUMPTION: What issues did those two statements give rise to that you thought were liable to provoke questions?

MR KELLY: Well, clearly that the underlying theme was that the MoD statement lacked credibility, because if it was wrong about where the person worked, if it was wrong about how long the source had known Mr Gilligan, then the whole credibility of the MoD statement was at risk. If the whole credibility of the MoD statement was at risk then the idea that this official might be Mr Gilligan's source was completely at stake.

MR SUMPTION: What information did you seek in order to deal with the questions that you anticipated on that point?

MR KELLY: I sought -- at the 8.30 morning media meeting in No. 10, I identified these two issues as two issues which I was going to have to address and I sought clarification of what the answers to those issues were from the FCO and the MoD; and I made it clear that, obviously, the answers I would have to give at 11 o'clock.

MR SUMPTION: Can you just tell us what information you obtained from the FCO and the MoD in preparation for the Lobby?

MR KELLY: In terms of who paid for or which Department, rather, Dr Kelly worked for, I was told that he worked for the MoD but that his salary was paid for by the FCO. The FCO made it clear to me that I could say that so long as I did not imply that he was a permanent member of the FCO staff because they did not want suspicion falling on members of the FCO. And in terms of the salary, I learned both from the MoD, I think, and from Jonathan Powell in an e-mail that the reason why there was a discrepancy over how long Dr Kelly had known Mr Gilligan was because that Dr Kelly had given press briefings which Andrew Gilligan had attended for a number of years.

MR SUMPTION: Yes. What were your objectives in dealing with possible questions from Lobby journalists? Did you go into the Lobby briefings intending to make it easier to identify Dr Kelly?

MR KELLY: Well, I have to stress that at no point did I try to give information or drop clues which I thought would lead to Dr Kelly's identification. There was no --

MR SUMPTION: If I can just stop you there, I am going to take you to the actual briefings in a moment. At the moment I would just like to be clear about the intentions that you had in mind when you went into that briefing before you said anything.

MR KELLY: Well, the BBC statement had created considerable difficulty for me and I was under no illusion about the difficulties I faced. I had to balance what I thought were a number of competing pressures. I genuinely wanted to try to protect Dr Kelly's identity as much as possible but I had to explain the discrepancies between the BBC statement and the MoD statement; and I had to do so without misleading the Lobby, which is the golden rule for Prime Minister's Official Spokesman, you cannot mislead the Lobby. One other factor was that I did not want to implicate anybody else as being the possible source because that would put suspicion on other people as well.

MR SUMPTION: If we could have CAB/1/506, please, this is the morning briefing on 9th July. Can you summarise for us how much information you gave out about the source in the morning briefing, which was not already in the public domain?

LORD HUTTON: Could I just ask you Mr Kelly, I think we have already been given evidence, but just remind me of it: is this a summary or a note kept by someone of what you said in the course of the Lobby briefing?

MR KELLY: It is a summary which is prepared after the Lobby briefing, which I then check for accuracy.

LORD HUTTON: Prepared by an official in No. 10?

MR KELLY: Prepared by an official in No. 10.

MR SUMPTION: It is prepared from tapes or from a shorthand note?

MR KELLY: It is prepared from tapes.

MR SUMPTION: How much information did you give out in the morning briefing which was not already in the public domain?

MR KELLY: Well, my intention was to give information but to do so in as limited a way as possible to address the discrepancies between the MoD statement and the BBC statement. So, I identified that I thought the important information was partly what this person was not. So I stressed that the source was not a member of the Intelligence Service, that the person was not a member of military intelligence; and also I put the importance of that because the BBC had placed so much onus on that. What I did try to explain was the discrepancy over which Department the person worked for, by explaining that he worked for the MoD but his salary was paid for by another Department, but despite repeated questioning I did not say which Department that was; and I also explained the discrepancy over how long Dr Kelly had known Mr Gilligan by saying that the person concerned had known Andrew Gilligan in a number of different guises, in a number of different ways over the years. I deliberately chose that euphemism to try to give as little information away as possible, whereas what I actually knew was that Mr Gilligan and Dr Kelly had come across each other in press briefings over the years. I thought that was too specific, so I chose the phrase "different guises".

MR SUMPTION: Yes. You have the morning briefing notes open. If there is anything you particularly wish to draw our attention to to fill out that summary, this is your or an opportunity to do so.

MR KELLY: The one point I would like to underline is -- well, there are two points really. Firstly, the impact of the BBC statement is obvious from the second paragraph of the summary, in which I am asked three times in the one paragraph how the source that we have identified, the person who had come forward, could possibly be Mr Gilligan's source, given what the BBC have said in response. So the effect of the BBC statement had been to seriously call into question the MoD's statement. That I had to deal with. Secondly, the other issue, if I may deal with it, is in the middle of the first paragraph where I say that I address the question of the position of the source. As long ago as 4th June, a few days after we had returned from Iraq, I had identified the position of the source as being a key issue. I did so because my understanding was that only a member of the JIC had the full intelligence picture on which to make the kind of claim that the Today Programme had done. That is why I thought it was important to stress that the official who turned out to be Dr Kelly could not have been in a position to make that claim.

MR SUMPTION: I want to turn to the afternoon briefing. That starts at CAB/1/511. I do not want to take you through the whole of these rather long notes but if you look at the bottom of 511 and over to the middle of 512, and at pages 513 and the top of page 514, and then at the last paragraph to begin on page 514, you will find that you gave out more information in the afternoon briefing than you had done in the morning.

MR KELLY: Again, I think what was important was that I knew I was going to come under persistent questioning, and indeed I did so. In the morning briefing and in the afternoon briefing I deliberately drew a line forward, a defensive line, if you like, forward of my actual state of knowledge and, therefore, what I tried to do was give away as little information as possible. Hence my description of Dr Kelly as a technical expert, because I thought if I described him as a WMD expert I would get persistent questioning on what kind of WMD expert, where he was, et cetera. Again, in the afternoon, I got persistent questioning on why we would not say what Department paid for his salary and hence I tried to give away as little information as possible. But inevitably I did give away some information but I do not believe that that actually helped any of the journalists identify Dr Kelly.

MR SUMPTION: Can you summarise the additional information that you gave out in the afternoon briefing which you had not given out in the morning and which was not in the public domain?

MR KELLY: The information I think I gave out in the afternoon briefing was the reason why I refused to say which Department paid for his salary, which was that there were only a few people who were paid in this way and therefore that is why I could not give it out because they would be able to identify Dr Kelly. I felt I had to do that because otherwise the Lobby would think that there was something underhand about us refusing to say. I had to give them an explanation. There are times in the Lobby when assertion is not enough. It was also put to me that was this person a secondee. If I had refused to address that issue the assumption would be -- because people were putting to me that this person worked for the FCO or was paid for by the FCO, the assumption would be that he was a diplomat. I could not let that assumption rest because the FCO had made it very plain to me in the morning that they did not want people to assume he was a diplomat because they thought suspicion would fall on other people. So I had to describe him as a consultant. I thought consultant was a very vague term and I did not think it would help people identify Dr Kelly.

MR SUMPTION: Did you need and, if so, did you have authority to give out the information about Dr Kelly which you did give in answering questions at these two briefings?

MR KELLY: Well, I prepared for this Lobby in the same way that I prepared for all Lobbies, in that I asked Departments for information, Departments came back with information; and as with any other Lobby, if they had intended I should not give out that information I would have expected them to tell me before the Lobby. At the 8.30 meeting I was clear about the information I was seeking; and it is understood at that meeting you only ask for information if you are going to use it and it is for people to flag up if there are sensitivities.

LORD HUTTON: Can I just ask you: apart from asking the departments for information, did you have any discussion with any official in No. 10 or in the Ministry of Defence about the particular line you would take if you were asked about the source?

MR KELLY: No, I did not have any particular discussion, but that would not be normal practice, in that I would expect the departments to clear within their systems, as indeed they did, what could be said and what could not be said, my Lord.

LORD HUTTON: Yes.

MR SUMPTION: The suggestion has been made that Dr Kelly was some kind of pawn in a game that you were playing with the press. What do you say about that?

MR KELLY: Absolutely not. There were lots of pressures on everybody at this time, but I genuinely feel that I and I do not believe others that I worked with lost sight of that there was an individual caught up in this controversy, in the middle of it, and that therefore we had to respect that individual. At the same time, there was a logic of events which stretched back to 29th May which unfortunately, and I did not like that logic, but there was a logic which was working its way through. Now, there were times whenever if the BBC had stepped back, I think that logic could have been stopped, but as the effect of the BBC statement on what I had to do on the 9th June showed, it was very difficult to get out of the pressure of those events.

MR SUMPTION: Finally, Mr Kelly, if I can turn to one matter arising after Dr Kelly's death. You have already made your position clear, very publicly, on the Walter Mitty remarks and you have apologised without reservation for that. What I want to ask you is this: it has been suggested that what you said on that occasion about Dr Kelly was part of a broader plan on the part of the Government or yourself to belittle him, so that his disclosures to Andrew Gilligan would seem less significant. Do you have any comment to make about that?

MR KELLY: Well, I was not aware of or part of any strategy to demean or belittle Dr Kelly. I have accepted that my remark was wrong, it was a mistake, it was a too colourful phrase to use, but it was a mistake in what I thought was a private conversation. It was not part of any broad strategy and I would not have been part of any broad strategy.

MR SUMPTION: Thank you very much.

Cross-examined by MR GOMPERTZ

MR GOMPERTZ: Can we go to the Lobby, please, Mr Kelly? I am sorry, but I have been working off another version of these documents in the papers which are at CAB/1/220. I wonder if you could have that on the screen, please. Can we go to the bottom of the page on CAB/1/220 and let me indicate to you that that is an extract from the 3.45 briefing. You have this in the very last line of that page: "Put to him that the person did not work for the MoD, the PMOS said that the person was a technical expert who had worked for a variety of Government Departments, including the MoD with whom he was currently working." I will just pause there. The phrase "technical expert" was not one, I think, which had been used before, save at the 11 am Lobby; is that right?

MR KELLY: That is right.

MR GOMPERTZ: I do not take any quarrel with you over that because in the statement which had been issued the night before, Dr Kelly had been described as "the individual is an expert on WMD"; right?

MR KELLY: Correct.

MR GOMPERTZ: Let us look at the rest of that sentence: "... who had worked for a variety of Government Departments..." That was new, was it not?

MR KELLY: That was new, yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: Why was it necessary to say that?

MR KELLY: To explain the discrepancy between the MoD statement and the BBC statement. It was put to me in the morning and the afternoon I think a total of seven times that the BBC statement and the discrepancy it had highlighted over who Dr Kelly worked for meant that the official who had come forward could not possibly be Andrew Gilligan's source. The only way in which to correct that misleading information was to explain that, as I say, this individual had worked for a variety of Government Departments including the MoD with whom he was currently working. If I had not provided an explanation, I think the MoD statement would have been discredited.

MR GOMPERTZ: You go on to state that the variety of Government Departments included the MoD with whom he was currently working.

MR KELLY: Yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: Well, again, that was nothing new, was it?

MR KELLY: No.

MR GOMPERTZ: That had appeared in the statement the day before. "His salary was paid by another Department." Was that new?

MR KELLY: That was new.

MR GOMPERTZ: Why was it necessary to say that?

MR KELLY: To provide an explanation as to why the BBC might have thought that he did not work for the MoD.

MR GOMPERTZ: "Asked if it was correct to describe the person as being on secondment to the MoD, the PMOS said that the nature of his work meant that he was more of a consultant than a secondee." That was new, was it not?

MR KELLY: That was new, yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: I will ask you the same question: why was it necessary to say that?

MR KELLY: Well, in the split second that I had to answer the question I registered that if I allowed the impression that he was a secondee to the FCO, I would be doing what the FCO had asked me not to do which was to give the impression that this person might be a diplomat and therefore I would be drawing more people into the net of suspicion. Therefore, I felt that I had to make a distinction and I thought consultant was a vague term.

MR GOMPERTZ: Why could you not simply say "he does not work for the MoD" or "he does work for the MoD" or whatever the reality of the position was?

MR KELLY: Because then it would have been a simple case of me asserting that the BBC statement was wrong and long experience has taught me that assertion does not work. I also knew, from phone calls I had had before Lobby and the seven questions I was asked in the morning and the afternoon, that the Lobby was very sceptical that the right person had come forward.

LORD HUTTON: Were these telephone calls from reporters?

MR KELLY: These were telephone calls from reporters who have early editions or were trying to find out if we were saying anything before the Lobby. And what I had said to these people was: wait for the Lobby, I will make the position clear at Lobby. But, my Lord, what it highlighted was I could not avoid addressing the discrepancies with the BBC statement.

MR GOMPERTZ: You go on: "Asked why we were so reluctant to say which Department paid his salary, the PMOS said that providing this information would make it easier to identify him given the fact that there were only a few people who were paid a salary by this particular Department but who worked for other Departments." Why was it necessary to say that?

MR KELLY: Again, in the split second I had to answer I felt that the Lobby, again, were making the fact that we would not say which Department paid his salary into a reason to discredit the MoD statement, not to believe it. So I felt I had to provide some explanation. I did not think that providing that explanation would help identify Dr Kelly.

MR GOMPERTZ: That narrowed the field very considerably, did it not?

MR KELLY: I did not believe it would do. I thought, as we all thought all along, that the field was quite narrow anyway. But I did not feel that that particular piece of information would do, in the split second I had to think about it.

MR GOMPERTZ: Could you look, please, at MoD/1/67 which is the statement? The information which had already been given the day before, apart from the fact that the individual worked in the MoD, is contained in the third paragraph, is it not?

MR KELLY: It is.

MR GOMPERTZ: "The individual is an expert on WMD who has advised Ministers on WMD..." Just pausing there, did you know that Dr Kelly had sat alongside Mr Jack Straw when he went to a Select Committee?

MR KELLY: I had heard that.

MR GOMPERTZ: Well, did you know at the time?

MR KELLY: I had heard that at the time.

MR GOMPERTZ: You had?

MR KELLY: Yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: Yes. So that was a bit of a steer as to who this person was, was it not?

MR KELLY: Well, the MoD statement was drawn up by the MoD and approved by Dr Kelly. I do not think it is for me to comment on the MoD statement.

MR GOMPERTZ: Well, we will see how it was drawn up in a moment, but would you agree with me that that is a pretty good steer as to who this person was?

MR KELLY: I think what the MoD were trying to do was get a balance between publishing information which underlined that they had a genuine reason to believe this might be Andrew Gilligan's source at the same time as protecting his identity.

LORD HUTTON: At the same time?

MR KELLY: As protecting his identity. But it was that balance which they were trying to achieve.

MR GOMPERTZ: The statement goes on: "... and whose contribution to the dossier of September 2002 was to contribute towards drafts of historical accounts of UN inspections." Did you know that Dr Kelly was a UN weapons inspector?

MR KELLY: I knew that he was a UN weapons inspector, yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: Who better to contribute towards the historical aspect of the dossier on UN inspections than a UN weapons inspector?

MR KELLY: I have no disagreement with that.

MR GOMPERTZ: Again, I suggest to you a piece of information inserted in the statement in this instance which indicated pretty clearly, did it not, in which direction journalists should look?

MR KELLY: Well, I did not think it was intended as such. I think it was intended as part of the balance which I have already suggested to you.

MR GOMPERTZ: Can I put this suggestion to you: that if one combines what you said, I realise chronologically not in the right order, but what you said in the Lobby briefing with what was in the MoD statement, there was a great deal of information, I suggest, which would enable a journalist who knew about such matters to identify the person concerned very quickly?

MR KELLY: Well, I think the problem is that we are talking about two separate events. I had to respond to the questions which journalists were asking as a result of the BBC statement. If the BBC had not put out their statement, I would not have had to respond to the questions. If I had not responded to the questions, then the impact of the BBC statement, as the seven questions I got during the morning and the afternoon made clear, would have been to totally discredit the MoD statement.

MR GOMPERTZ: So the problems were all of the BBC's making, were they?

MR KELLY: I am simply explaining the context in which I had to operate on the morning and the afternoon of 9th June. As I have already said, I was under no illusion as to the difficulty I had in balancing the competing pressures that faced me that day. Those difficulties were real and I was fully aware of them.

MR GOMPERTZ: You said that you prepared for this or these two Lobby briefings as you had with all other Lobbies?

MR KELLY: Correct.

MR GOMPERTZ: And that you had sought information from the relevant Departments?

MR KELLY: Correct.

MR GOMPERTZ: We are concerned here with the MoD, are we not?

MR KELLY: The MoD and the FCO.

MR GOMPERTZ: Right. Let us concentrate on the MoD. From whom did you seek information for this or these two Lobby briefings at the MoD?

MR KELLY: From the press office and -- the press office both in the MoD and the FCO.

LORD HUTTON: The press office of MoD?

MR KELLY: Of both the MoD and the FCO.

MR GOMPERTZ: Can you recollect to whom it was you spoke in the MoD?

MR KELLY: I cannot recollect precisely the conversation, no.

MR GOMPERTZ: That is not what I asked you. Can you identify the person to whom you spoke?

MR KELLY: I cannot identify either -- I cannot remember either the precise conversation or who I had it with.

MR GOMPERTZ: Did you seek authority from anybody within No. 10 to make these statements?

MR KELLY: No.

MR GOMPERTZ: Did you --

LORD HUTTON: I beg your pardon, Mr Gompertz. I had understood you to say that you sought this information at the press meeting that was held every morning at 8.30 am.

MR KELLY: Yes.

LORD HUTTON: But did you also speak on the telephone to anyone in the MoD?

MR KELLY: My Lord, the operation would be that you would identify at the 8.30 meeting the information that you were seeking and then, during the morning, the information would come back from the relevant Department.

LORD HUTTON: I see.

MR KELLY: I am sure that at some point during the morning I talked to the relevant people in the MoD.

LORD HUTTON: Yes. Thank you. On the telephone?

MR KELLY: On the telephone, yes.

LORD HUTTON: Yes Mr Gompertz.

MR GOMPERTZ: What about within No. 10? Were your proposed answers cleared with anybody?

MR KELLY: Well, I did not clear my proposed answers; and secondly I would underline that many of the answers I gave I could not have predicted in advance because the line of questioning you cannot predict in advance.

MR GOMPERTZ: I appreciate that. It is an evolving process.

MR KELLY: It is.

MR GOMPERTZ: But nevertheless you knew the basic line that you were going to take in answer to questions from journalists about the features of the man who had come forward. Now, did you discuss them with anybody before you attended the briefing in the morning and again in the afternoon?

MR KELLY: Within No. 10, no, because it would be a matter for my judgment as to what I said at Lobby, as with any other Lobby.

MR GOMPERTZ: So you are accepting full responsibility, are you, for what was said at those Lobby briefings?

MR KELLY: I always accept responsibility for what I say at Lobby.

MR GOMPERTZ: Yes. One of the other things you said, if you would kindly look, please, at CAB/1/219, was: "... it had been suggested that Downing Street was currently engaged in a 'knocking down process', meaning that we would knock down each name that came up. That was untrue." Certainly Downing Street were not actually carrying out that function, but there was a knocking down process in operation, was there not?

MR KELLY: Well, I think you are referring to the Q and A and could I just point out that neither in the morning nor the afternoon Lobby was the Q and A ever mentioned. The line of attack coming from journalists was precisely the reverse, which was that the BBC were suggesting that what we were actually doing was putting names to the BBC which they would then deny and we would get to the point where they would not deny one and we would assume that was the person concerned, in other words a smoking out exercise. And if you actually drop down to the question at the start of the next paragraph, which is: "Asked if we would come up with another name to put to the BBC if it turned out that the person who had come forward was not their source..." That, I think, underlines the point I am making.

MR GOMPERTZ: Did you not know about the Q and A brief which had been prepared?

MR KELLY: I knew about the Q and A brief but I regarded that as a matter for the MoD, because it was being done within their procedures.

MR GOMPERTZ: So if the question had been that the MoD was engaged in a knocking down process, would you have answered differently?

MR KELLY: Well, that is a speculative question. The question I was asked was very specifically about the BBC.

MR GOMPERTZ: Can I go on? We have now had confirmed, if it is taken at face value, in Mr Campbell's diary of 9th July that: "... the biggest thing needed was the source out". I wonder if you would look at CAB/39/2, please. If we go down the page a bit, please, to 9th July, thank you, do you see that phrase that I have just quoted in the third line of the entry on 9th July?

MR KELLY: Yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: The 9th July was the very day on which you were conducting these Lobby briefings.

MR KELLY: Yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: What do you understand by that expression, "the biggest thing needed was the source out"?

MR KELLY: I think Alastair addressed the issue yesterday and really I do not want to second guess what he said in his diary, I do not think that is my role.

MR GOMPERTZ: If you think it is unfair because you were not there on the occasion of the question on 9th July, perhaps you would like to go to 7th July, higher up that same page, the last entry before the date 8th July: "GH wanted to get up source, TK..." that is you, is it not?

MR KELLY: Yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: "... GS, felt best to wait until tomorrow and had to do it right." What does "get up source" mean there please?

MR KELLY: Again, I think Alastair addressed that yesterday; but I have explained the circumstances in which I became involved earlier to Mr Sumption, which is Godric came back from Alastair's office to say that there was a suggestion that we get out the fact that an official had come forward. Godric and I both felt this was not the right way to do it. We had a short telephone conversation with Alastair and he agreed.

MR GOMPERTZ: So did you ever meet with Mr Hoon on that day?

MR KELLY: No.

MR GOMPERTZ: You cannot help us, then, about Mr Hoon's views about what should happen?

MR KELLY: No.

MR GOMPERTZ: Were they not relayed to you by Mr Campbell at any stage?

MR KELLY: No.

MR GOMPERTZ: Going back to 9th July, were you not party to any discussion at all with Mr Campbell as to the fundamental requirement which was that the identity of the source should be revealed?

MR KELLY: I was not.

MR GOMPERTZ: Because the whole purpose of the statement, the Lobby briefings and the Q and A material is demonstrated in these notes, is it not, Mr Kelly? Namely, that there was a strategy to reveal Dr Kelly's name without appearing to do so?

MR KELLY: Categorically not.

MR GOMPERTZ: Can we go back to the statement for a moment? I would ask you to look first, please, at MoD/17/02. If I have it right -- I hope I have, because there have been a number of versions -- this was a version which came over to No. 10 Downing Street from the MoD. Did you see this?

MR KELLY: I may have seen it, but since Godric was dealing with the drawing up of -- or he had been talking to the MoD about the various drafts, I actually had largely left it to him. I was present but I was not actually intimately involved in the process of drawing up the MoD statement.

MR GOMPERTZ: Because there was quite a high powered drafting session on that day, was there not, the 8th July?

MR KELLY: There was a drafting session in Godric's room, yes, in our room.

MR GOMPERTZ: In?

MR KELLY: Our room.

MR GOMPERTZ: You share a room with Godric, do you?

MR KELLY: I share a room with Godric, yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: So who else was present on this occasion?

MR KELLY: From memory, Sir Kevin Tebbit, Alastair Campbell, Jonathan Powell, Godric and myself.

MR GOMPERTZ: Yes. The statement was modified quite considerably, was it not?

MR KELLY: Again, in terms of the detail of how the statement changed, I was not paying that close attention, so I could not do a line by line analysis.

MR GOMPERTZ: Would you look, please, at CAB/1/56? I do not propose to indulge in a line by line analysis but perhaps you can help us to this extent. This appears to be, from what is written in handwriting at the top, a version which was produced on Mr Godric Smith's machine, "Saved on Godric's machine 8/7/2003, 16:35". Yes?

MR KELLY: Yes, I see that.

MR GOMPERTZ: "Created 12:35"?

MR KELLY: Yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: So is this right: it only reached its final form in which it was saved at 16.35? Can you help us?

MR KELLY: My memory is it reached its final form much earlier than that. 16.35 would have been after Godric had done Lobby that afternoon. So, it could not possibly -- the drafting session did not go on through Godric doing Lobby. Lobby begins at a quarter to 4. So this must have been -- the drafting session must have ended considerably before 15.45.

MR GOMPERTZ: I appreciate we are going to hear from Mr Smith shortly, but can you help us as to how this version was despatched to the MoD?

MR KELLY: It was not despatched to the MoD.

MR GOMPERTZ: Was it not sent by e-mail?

MR KELLY: Well, my memory is that Sir Kevin Tebbit took a version of the statement away with him; and before he left the room Jonathan Powell was very insistent that the MoD had to be 100 per cent happy with the final version, because it would be an MoD statement.

MR GOMPERTZ: So you cannot take it any further than that?

MR KELLY: I cannot take it any further than that.

MR GOMPERTZ: Very well. Do you know Mr Tom Baldwin?

MR KELLY: Yes, I do know Tom Baldwin.

MR GOMPERTZ: He wrote articles in the Times on the 8th and 9th of July. Perhaps you would take that from me for the moment.

MR KELLY: Yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: I do not want to spend too much time on this, but he told the Inquiry in evidence that those articles were based on Whitehall sources. Was that you, by any chance?

MR KELLY: Well, I am not going to pretend to remember every single conversation I had with a journalist at that time but having looked at the articles in question, I do not think it can have been me because it included information which I did not know at the time or had not taken in at the time, hence my initial reaction to the BBC statement was that we might have got the wrong person.

MR GOMPERTZ: You have been asked, this morning, about what has been described as the Walter Mitty smear.

MR KELLY: Yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: It is right that I should emphasise, once again, that you have issued a statement about that description and you have made an unreserved apology to the Kelly family, which they acknowledge.

MR KELLY: I am very grateful for that.

MR GOMPERTZ: But I want to ask you about how that description came to be made to journalists. It was reported in the Independent newspaper on 4th August in an article by Mr Paul Waugh, was it not?

MR KELLY: Yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: And was that as a result of a telephone conversation with Mr Waugh?

MR KELLY: Yes, it was. Paul Waugh phoned the office to talk to me. I was out, a message was left on my computer for me to phone him back, which I did.

MR GOMPERTZ: When you spoke to him, you came straight out with this expression, did you not?

MR KELLY: Well, I cannot remember the conversation, but I think Paul Waugh has acknowledged in his article that I spoke first of all about the Hutton Inquiry, because what I was saying to all journalists at this stage was because the Hutton Inquiry was about to begin, I did not want to say anything which might prejudice that Inquiry or be seen to comment on that Inquiry; and therefore I was not saying anything on or off the record to people, but purely talking on what I thought was a totally background basis.

MR GOMPERTZ: So would this be a fair description: that you were providing to Mr Waugh a menu of options which the Inquiry might want to look at?

MR KELLY: What I understood I was doing was what I had done with several reporters, or senior political editors, which was -- political editors at this time or serious political correspondents were troubled by the death of David Kelly, as we all were, and were trying to understand the issues at the heart of what had led to this tragedy. Therefore, having made it clear, as I thought, that I did not want to say anything which would be published in any way, I did think it was part of my role to underline the issues which I thought the Inquiry would have to address, and central among those issues was the question of the position of the alleged source and whether that person was in a position to make the claim or whether that person's view had been misrepresented.

MR GOMPERTZ: That is not quite how it was, Mr Kelly. Would you look, please, at MED/7/1, which is an article on the following Wednesday after the report by Mr Waugh. Do you have a copy of that?

MR KELLY: Yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: You have it on the screen -- both. He talks about telephoning you and then in the first column, the penultimate paragraph: "To be fair to Tom Kelly, he did preface his remarks by saying that, of course, it was up to Lord Hutton to determine exactly what has happened. Fine [says Mr Waugh], that's precisely what I'd expect him to say. He suggested that one of the 'key issues' for Lord Hutton's Inquiry would be whether Dr Kelly in any way contributed to his own downfall. "But beyond that preamble, Mr Kelly's first use of the phrase 'Walter Mitty' was immediate. 'The guy was a Walter Mitty,' he said." Pausing there, do you agree with that account?

MR KELLY: As I say, I cannot remember the conversation, I am not going to pretend that I can. But having talked to other journalists who I talked to at the time, their view of what I was saying in those conversations was that I was posing questions. I was posing questions as to how the Today report had ended up suggesting something which Dr Kelly was not in a position to say and whether, therefore, it had been the result of the reporter having exaggerated what Dr Kelly said or Dr Kelly having exaggerated what he knew and that I was posing questions. Therefore, I accept that there was a misunderstanding between myself and Paul Waugh about the form of this conversation. I also think there was a misunderstanding about what I was actually saying.

MR GOMPERTZ: I only want to put one further passage from this article to you. In the second column, the last main paragraph: "Tom Kelly did not deliver some kind of 'menu of options' as has been suggested. He did not appear to be 'mulling over the possibilities' as others have said." What do you say about that conclusion drawn by Mr Waugh?

MR KELLY: Well, again, I think there has been a misunderstanding; and in talking to other reporters afterwards they have made it clear to me that I was not offering a definitive view of either my view of Dr Kelly or the Government's view of Dr Kelly, but speaking in the very narrow focus of the issue, being who exaggerated what they knew? Was it the reporter or was it Dr Kelly? Now --

MR GOMPERTZ: Because Mr Waugh was not the only journalist to whom you gave the information that you considered Dr Kelly to be a Walter Mitty character, was he?

MR KELLY: Well, sorry, firstly I did not consider Dr Kelly to be a Walter Mitty character. I was talking in the very specific circumstances of how the information had come to be exaggerated; and I did -- the others I talked to were very aware of the context and what I was trying to say. That is not how it was reported in this case.

MR GOMPERTZ: You had lunch with several journalists, did you not, when this matter was discussed; no?

MR KELLY: I am not aware of having had that lunch with several journalists.

MR GOMPERTZ: Did you reveal comparable information to a reporter from the Times?

MR KELLY: I had talked to several journalists but as I said, I do not remember every conversation.

MR GOMPERTZ: The Guardian?

MR KELLY: Sorry, I talked to several journalists. I cannot remember which ones I talked to, but in terms of the journalists who have talked to me, they are clear that I was not being malicious in my comments.

MR GOMPERTZ: Just to complete the list, the BBC as well, did you not?

MR KELLY: Well, I talked to several journalists. I cannot remember which ones precisely I talked to about this issue but journalists have said to me that they did not believe I was being malicious. That said, I fully accept that I should not have used what was a too colourful phrase. I fully accept that in doing so I ran the risk of misunderstanding; and I fully accept that that must have caused the family much distress. It was not what I intended and that is why I gave my unreserved apology at the time, why I repeated it when I appeared at this Inquiry the first time and why I repeat it again today.

MR GOMPERTZ: Mr Kelly, may I make it plain that the object of my questioning is not to make life more uncomfortable for you over this remark.

MR KELLY: I appreciate that.

MR GOMPERTZ: But can I just say this: that the suggestion is that this was not just a single off the cuff remark to Mr Waugh, it was a scene setting remark, was it not, made to several journalists?

MR KELLY: It was not intended as that. I said at the end of the Lobby briefing on the afternoon of 9th June that I did not intend to demean or understate the role of the official who came forward. That was my view all the way through. What I, however, did think was legitimate was the issue of whether the source of Andrew Gilligan's story had been in the position to make the claim that Andrew Gilligan reported that person as having made, whether he did or did not. And that, I believe, was always a legitimate issue and I had expressed that view from 4th June right up to 7th July, and on seven different occasions during Lobby, because I thought that was a legitimate issue. It was that I was trying to examine in my conversations with journalists, without demeaning Dr Kelly in any way.

MR GOMPERTZ: Can I put to you a question and answer from the evidence which you gave when you attended before the Inquiry previously?

MR KELLY: Yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: The question from Mr Dingemans: "Question: Did you want to influence, at the least, the thinking of the journalist? I mean, otherwise, why say it? "Answer: I wanted simply the journalist to be aware of the possible questions and issues from the Government's perspective." Is that an answer that you stand by?

MR KELLY: I stand by what I said. What I meant --

MR GOMPERTZ: So -- I am sorry, I do not want to interrupt you.

MR KELLY: What I meant is what I have said, is that I thought I was taking part in conversations in which journalists were genuinely seeking insight which would help them try to understand this tragedy. That was what I thought I was doing.

MR GOMPERTZ: You were speaking on the telephone from No. 10?

MR KELLY: I was.

MR GOMPERTZ: It was Mr Waugh who had telephoned to you?

MR KELLY: Yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: So that you were speaking, were you not, in your capacity as the Prime Minister's Official Spokesman?

MR KELLY: I was speaking in what I thought was a background conversation in which both sides were trying to understand the issues at the heart of this tragedy.

MR GOMPERTZ: Giving the Government's perspective?

MR KELLY: Giving the perspective on the issues which would have to be examined. Not giving the Government's perspective on David Kelly, not giving my perspective on David Kelly, examining the issues.

MR GOMPERTZ: Did you think, as you said to Mr Sumption, that this was part of your attempt to reveal information in the right way and not to pre-empt the situation?

MR KELLY: I started the conversation by referring to Hutton, to the Hutton Inquiry, precisely for that reason, to underline that these were issues for the Inquiry.

MR GOMPERTZ: Finally on this topic, could you look, please, at CAB/16/2, which is the statement which you issued. That is your statement, is it?

MR KELLY: Yes, it is.

MR GOMPERTZ: You see that in the longest paragraph, in the middle of the page, you refer to the fact that you were trying, at the request of several journalists, to outline the questions facing all parties that the Hutton Inquiry would have to address; right?

MR KELLY: Yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: That was your intention, you say?

MR KELLY: Yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: You will remember, no doubt, that you were responsible, I think, for the drafting or the issue of the statement made by the Prime Minister shortly after Dr Kelly's death calling for restraint?

MR KELLY: I do not remember being responsible for that statement, but I was aware of that statement, yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: Perhaps you could just look at ISC/3/5, please.

MR KELLY: Yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: Is that the document?

MR KELLY: No, that is actually a briefing note I prepared for the Deputy Prime Minister.

MR GOMPERTZ: I follow.

MR KELLY: Before he appeared on the Frost programme.

MR GOMPERTZ: I apologise, I have misunderstood. But that is your document?

MR KELLY: That is my document, yes, which I dictated on the Saturday evening.

MR GOMPERTZ: That was on 19th July?

MR KELLY: Yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: About a week before you were speaking to journalists --

MR KELLY: Yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: -- about the Walter Mitty slur?

MR KELLY: Yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: Yes. Finally this: I wonder if you could look at CAB/1/59, please. That is an e-mail from Jonathan Powell to Clare Sumner on 8th July. It is copied to Prime Minister's Official Spokesman; right?

MR KELLY: Yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: Did you see this?

MR KELLY: I saw this very briefly. I must admit it was not one I spent a lot of time looking at because the MoD were answering the questions, not us.

MR GOMPERTZ: I appreciate that this is not your document, but could you look on to CAB/1/61, which is the second page of the document which accompanied this e-mail? I must make it clear that this is not your statement.

MR KELLY: Yes.

MR GOMPERTZ: But what Mr Powell seems to have written is this: "Does this not prove that John Reid was totally wrong when he spoke about rogue elements in the Intelligence Services?" The answer suggested to that question: "Yes. This rogue element was not part of the Intelligence Services at all!" First of all, that referred to Dr Kelly, did it not?

MR KELLY: I do not know what it referred to because I did not read this answer, this question and answer, until I was preparing for this Inquiry.

MR GOMPERTZ: Was Dr Kelly regarded in No. 10 as a rogue element?

MR KELLY: Categorically not.

MR GOMPERTZ: Well, can you give any explanation of how this description comes to be applied by Mr Powell?

MR KELLY: It is not my note and I think it would be wrong for me to interpret Mr Powell's note.

MR GOMPERTZ: Another misguided opinion of Dr Kelly?

MR KELLY: Dr Kelly was an expert and he should be regarded as an expert. That is precisely why in my Lobby notes I referred to him as a technical expert. That was how I viewed him and I think how others viewed him as well.

MR GOMPERTZ: So there was no Government campaign to belittle, demean or slur him?

MR KELLY: I was not aware of any explicit or implicit strategy to do so and I was not part of any strategy to do so.

MR GOMPERTZ: Thank you Mr Kelly.

Cross-examined by MR DINGEMANS

MR DINGEMANS: Mr Kelly, before you briefed on 9th July, had anyone told you that Dr Kelly did not want to make a public statement and wanted time to brief his family?

MR KELLY: I was aware that the idea of a press release had been talked about with Dr Kelly from an early stage. I was aware that he did not want his name in that statement, so that he could have time to prepare his family. But I was also aware that he accepted it was inevitable that his name would come out.

MR DINGEMANS: Who told you that he wanted time to warn his family?

MR KELLY: It came up in conversations in No. 10 in which Sir Kevin Tebbit took part and I believe it was Sir Kevin Tebbit who said that.

MR DINGEMANS: You say you wanted to deal with the discrepancy raised by the BBC's statement issued on 8th July in response to the Ministry of Defence statement. We have heard other evidence that the Ministry of Defence press statement had to be issued to ensure that there could be no concern or allegation about a cover-up. But once it was issued, why did you need to respond to the MoD statement?

MR KELLY: Well, because the immediate effect of the BBC statement was to call into question the MoD statement. I knew that from the calls I received on the Tuesday night; I knew it from the calls I received on the Wednesday morning. As I have said, during the morning and afternoon briefings if you count up the number of times it is put to me that the official could not be Mr Gilligan's source because of the discrepancies, it comes to something like seven times.

LORD HUTTON: Mr Dingemans, I wonder, could we have up on the screen -- I am afraid I do not have a note in front of me of that BBC statement on the 9th July.

MR DINGEMANS: My Lord, I am afraid I have not noted it. I will no doubt be given it shortly.

LORD HUTTON: I think it might be helpful just before Mr Kelly finishes his evidence.

MR DINGEMANS: BBC/3/25.

LORD HUTTON: Thank you very much. Perhaps we might just look at that. If we could scroll back up. Is there any particular part of that in particular?

MR KELLY: It is the second paragraph, my Lord, in particular the second sentence of that paragraph: "Mr Gilligan's source does not work in the Ministry of Defence and he has known the source for a number of years not months", which is a direct contradiction of the MoD statement.

LORD HUTTON: Yes, I see. Thank you.

MR DINGEMANS: But the Government wanted to issue the Ministry of Defence statement, we have been told, to avoid allegations of cover-up, sitting on information. The Government's position, we have been told, is that they were not sure Mr Dr Kelly was the source or not. That was your understanding, was it?

MR KELLY: It was my understanding.

MR DINGEMANS: In which case, when the Ministry of Defence issue their press statement and the BBC say: we do not know whether he is the source either, why respond to it at all?

MR KELLY: Because it had called into question the credibility of the MoD statement; and the information I had by Wednesday morning was that there were clarifications which would be given to restore that credibility. If I had stayed silent at the Lobby I would have allowed journalists to believe that the MoD statement was inaccurate when I knew it was not. That would have been breaching my golden rule, which is that I cannot mislead the Lobby.

MR DINGEMANS: You have told us what your golden rule is. So did you believe that Dr Kelly, who at this stage was saying "I do not think I am the source", was wrong?

MR KELLY: I believed that the Ministry of Defence, after the second interview, believed it was possible and maybe even likely that Dr Kelly was the source.

MR DINGEMANS: Was not the fundamental question that needed to be addressed how Mr Gilligan had got two pieces of information not out in the public domain before, namely that the 45 minutes intelligence was single source and namely that it had come in late; and you did not seek to address that at all?

MR KELLY: What I sought to address, as I had done since 4th June, was how come an allegation had been made which only someone who was on the JIC who had the full intelligence picture could have made with any credibility. That, I thought, was the central issue.

MR DINGEMANS: But I mean we can see Kate Wilson was getting phone calls: how did this man know if he was so out of the loop? How did he know those two pieces of information? If we look at MoD/32/47 we can see her note of a question that was put to her, raising exactly that point. You were not dealing with that at all because it was not a helpful thing to deal with, was it?

MR KELLY: Well, I answer the questions which I am asked. That was not one of the questions which I was asked. And if I was asked it, all I could have said was well, that was a matter which will have to be investigated. The important point was that what I had been told consistently from 4th June was that only someone with the full intelligence picture could credibly make the allegation that had been made.

MR DINGEMANS: Mr Campbell wrote in his diaries at CAB/39/2: "We kept pressing on as best we could at the briefings but the biggest thing needed was the source out." He told us yesterday that pressing on at the briefings was not something that he did but you were doing on that particular day. Is that right, so you were pressing on in relation to the source?

MR KELLY: Sorry, I do not understand what --

MR DINGEMANS: Let us look at the entry.

MR KELLY: I know the entry. It is what lies behind your question.

MR DINGEMANS: Do not worry what lies behind it. "We kept pressing on as best we could at the briefings but the biggest thing needed was the source out." That rather suggests that the "we" -- Mr Campbell says that is No. 10, including you -- are pressing on at the briefings, getting nowhere and therefore the biggest thing needed was the source out.

MR KELLY: Well, my objective was to answer the journalists' questions at the Lobby, balancing the competing pressures which I have outlined. My objective was not to get David Kelly's name out then.

MR DINGEMANS: If you had given any thought to the matter, do you now realise that providing the further information that you did, which Mr Blitz said he used as the basis for his research, was going to lead to Dr Kelly's identification?

MR KELLY: Firstly, I tried to minimise, in the ways I have outlined, the amount of information that I did give out. Secondly, while I have seen what Mr Blitz said, I cannot actually identify, in the way that his journalists put together the story, how my information helped. And thirdly, having looked at the evidence of other journalists, particularly the Times and the Guardian, I note that they identified the name without using any of the information given in the Lobby.

MR DINGEMANS: On 9th July, did you want the name of the source out -- you, not Mr Campbell or anyone else. Did you want the name of the source out?

MR KELLY: I believed, as I have said, that there was a logic of events, going back to 29th May or 22nd May, which was unfolding. I regretted deeply that a chance had not been taken to interrupt that logic.

LORD HUTTON: You regretted what?

MR KELLY: Deeply that a chance had not been taken to interrupt that logic by the BBC stepping back, in particular the Governors' meeting, in particular the private conversations I had had with members of the BBC. But I believed that logic was unfolding; and I did not see any need for us to escalate that logic -- to escalate the process and I did genuinely want to give Dr Kelly as much time as possible to prepare his family, because I thought that was a humane thing to do.

LORD HUTTON: Could you just define a little more what you mean by the logic unfolding, a logic unfolding to what or leading to what?

MR KELLY: I suppose a better way of putting it would be that there was a chain of events, my Lord --

LORD HUTTON: Yes.

MR KELLY: -- that in terms of the source, once a claim is made we would challenge that claim. If the BBC did not address that challenge in a way which allowed the public record to be set straight, then we had to maintain the challenge. Unless a way was found to diffuse the situation, as all along I hoped it would be, then that chain of events would continue; and the BBC statement --

LORD HUTTON: Yes, but continue to what, Mr Kelly?

MR KELLY: Continue the process where the issue could only be resolved in a public way. The BBC's statement coming so quickly after the MoD's statement was part of that process of escalation, rather than, as I hoped, to diffuse the situation.

LORD HUTTON: When you say "resolved in a public way", do you mean by that Dr Kelly's name becoming public?

MR KELLY: Well, in terms of Dr Kelly having come forward, I believed, and he I was told accepted, that it was inevitable that his name would come out. How it came out was a different matter; and having been a journalist myself, I knew that once we said an official had come forward that other journalists would regard it as a matter of professional pride to find out who that person was.

MR DINGEMANS: So once the statement had been issued, everyone knew that his name was going to come out from the professional press department side of things?

MR KELLY: Well, that was my professional opinion and I believe that Dr Kelly had accepted the inevitability of that.

MR DINGEMANS: We have heard evidence on that. Can I just press you, though, for an answer to my question, which was whether you wanted, on 9th July, the source out; and you have given us a long answer but I rather think it permits of a yes or no.

MR KELLY: The short answer is: no.

MR DINGEMANS: You did not want the source out?

MR KELLY: I did not want any of this to be happening. I wanted to try and resolve this as a private matter; but I had to do my job and my job was to do the Lobby that day and address the discrepancies.

MR DINGEMANS: So Mr Campbell got it wrong when he said: "... the biggest thing needed was the source out. We agreed we should not do it ourselves", and you were keeping going at the press briefings?

MR KELLY: What I did not want to do was to say anything at Lobby which helped identify David Kelly; but what I did have to do was address the questions which the BBC statement made inevitable that I was going to have to address.

MR DINGEMANS: I will not deal with the Walter Mitty remark.

MR KELLY: Thank you.

LORD HUTTON: Thank you very much. Mr Sumption, anything in reply? MR SUMPTION: No.

LORD HUTTON: Thank you very much, Mr Kelly. I will rise now for five minutes.

(11.33 am)
(Short Break)
(11.38 am)
MR GODRIC WILLIAM NAYLOR SMITH (called)
Examined by MR KNOX

MR KNOX: Mr Smith, could you tell the Inquiry your full name?

MR SMITH: Godric William Naylor Smith.

MR KNOX: Your occupation?

MR SMITH: I am one of the Prime Minister's two Official Spokesmen.

MR KNOX: You have already given evidence to the Inquiry before, and since then an email has come to light which I understand was in fact found on your computer?

MR SMITH: That is right.

MR KNOX: One can see that at CAB/25/4. I think this is the e-mail in question. It is one that is sent from you to Clare Sumner at 2.31 in the afternoon on 9th July; and over the page you can see the contents of the attachment, at CAB/25/5.

MR SMITH: Correct.

MR KNOX: It starts: "In the light of the new evidence from the MoD last night and the BBC own statement in response we believe we need to see AG, RS and source." AG being presumably Andrew Gilligan?

MR SMITH: Hmm, hmm.

MR KNOX: RS being Richard Sambrook?

MR SMITH: Hmm, hmm.

MR KNOX: And source; and the document continues and I think it is fair to say in the penultimate paragraph you will see: "AG said in answer to John Maples Q422 that he had only discussed the WMD Dossier with one source before the story was broadcast. We now know from the MoD statement that, if this individual is not the source, that statement cannot be correct. This too would be material to our Inquiry. "Either way there are important questions that need to be addressed in order for us to try and resolve this issue." On the face of it it looks as if this might be some kind of press announcement on behalf of the Foreign Affairs Committee where they are saying: in light of the MoD's statement and the BBC's statement we, the FAC, think we need to investigate the position. That is how the e-mail appears to read. Can you first of all explain the background to your writing the e-mail before you come on to the meaning and purpose of the e-mail?

MR SMITH: Yes, certainly. As I said in my first statement to the Inquiry, when I read Andrew Gilligan's evidence to the Select Committee on Monday evening, Monday the 7th, I thought his answers to John Maples were very significant. I had just been reading if you like a comparator between what the source had said and what Mr Gilligan had said which had come from the MoD which went into some detail, and came to a conclusion that they thought that they were probably one and the same person. Having read Andrew Gilligan's evidence to the Select Committee on the train home that Monday evening, the answer he gave to John Maples seemed to be more significant than that analysis in as much as Andrew Gilligan made crystal clear he only had one source for his story.

MR KNOX: When you say for his story, that would be the story he broadcast on 29th May?

MR SMITH: Indeed. So if I can then come on to the genesis of this e-mail. This follows a conversation which I had with Clare Sumner on July the 9th. Miss Sumner and I have worked together for four years and we often chat informally over a variety of different issues. This was obviously post Prime Minister's Questions and she had obviously been involved in that. I had started to explain to her why I thought that Mr Gilligan's evidence to the Foreign Affairs Committee was so important. It was my personal view that the FAC would inevitably wish to see those involved in this development and to revisit this issue, but given the complexity of the argument and the fact that I think she had other things to do, I said I would put something in writing to her. The e-mail is drafted in this way to enable me to express my point more concisely and succinctly to Miss Sumner. At no stage was there any discussion between us about taking any action. At no stage was any action taken. At no stage was any contact made with anybody on the FAC by either of us. In fact this e-mail was not even opened by Miss Sumner until 22nd August.

MR KNOX: Can I just explore the background a little? We know that on 8th July there was a mid-morning meeting at No. 10 Downing Street at which it was agreed that the ISC, not the Foreign Affairs Committee, should interview Dr Kelly, and that Sir David Omand should write to the ISC a public letter, copied to the FAC, informing them that someone had come forward and offering to communicate his name in private.

MR SMITH: Hmm, hmm.

MR KNOX: I do not think you were at that meeting?

MR SMITH: I was not, no.

MR KNOX: I take it you became aware of that?

MR SMITH: I became aware of that at the meeting I attended after lunch that day.

MR KNOX: One can see the draft letter to the ISC at CAB/18/68. Were you aware that this letter had actually been drafted or not?

MR SMITH: No. The first I knew about the idea to contact the ISC was when Jonathan Powell I think left the room to take a call from the Committee saying that the plan as discussed was not acceptable to them.

MR KNOX: I am not going to ask you to read this letter, but in general terms it contains a number of similarities with the press statement that was eventually put out later that evening but it is drafted in a slightly different way to take into account the different context. It seems that at about lunchtime on Tuesday 8th July, the Clerk to the ISC told Sir David Omand: we do not want your public letter thank you very much, but we will not object to a reference in a press statement you might issue to the possibility of the ISC interviewing the individual who has come forward. You can see the press statement eventually drafted at MoD/1/67.

MR SMITH: That is right.

MR KNOX: At the foot of the press statement, I think, if you could scroll down a little, you will see the reference to: "The MoD, with the individual's agreement, intend to give his name to the Chairman of the Intelligence and Security Committee, in confidence, should they wish to interview him..." So that is the thinking by close of play on the Tuesday. And it seems also that again on the Tuesday, 8th July, a letter is written to Mr Davies at the BBC by Mr Hoon, I think he said in his evidence at the suggestion of No. 10. You can see that letter at CAB/1/80. I do not know if you are aware of this or not, I imagine you were probably aware of this letter --

MR SMITH: Hmm, hmm.

MR KNOX: -- when it was going out?

MR SMITH: I was.

MR KNOX: You will see there that the name of the official has not been given out but the fact that he has come forward is mentioned to Mr Davies. It would seem, you might be able to help us with this, that even by Tuesday 8th July it had been decided in fact in No. 10 that you would eventually give the BBC the name in confidence. Could I ask you to look at CAB/1/50. This is -- I am sure you will have seen at least the printed version of this before -- a copy of one of the proposed draft press statements. It has someone's handwriting on. Are you able to say whose handwriting this is? Is it Mr Powell, or...?

MR SMITH: I think it, yes.

MR KNOX: Over the page at CAB/1/51?

MR SMITH: I may be wrong, I think it is.

MR KNOX: It does not matter much whose handwriting it is.

MR SMITH: Yes.

MR KNOX: On CAB/1/51 you will see some more handwriting which appears to be the second page of this alteration to the draft. At the top: "We understand that Mr Gilligan has given his employers the name of his source. We have, in confidence, given the name of this individual to the Chairman of the BBC..." In fact that cannot quite be right at the time because this obviously has been drafted on 8th July. One imagines Mr Powell is not drafting on an old draft on the 9th. It would look as if the intention on 9th July was the name should be given to the BBC in confidence.

MR SMITH: I think the decision to do that was taken as a result of their reaction at first instance.

MR KNOX: Their reaction having been communicated earlier on 8th July itself; is that right?

MR SMITH: Indeed.

MR KNOX: One can summarise the position at the end of 8th July as follows: you have not got Dr Kelly's name into the public domain but you have decided, on the following day, to give it in confidence to the ISC and to the BBC. That is right, presumably?

MR SMITH: Yes, I think that is right. I suppose the decision taken in respect of the BBC was made the following morning.

MR KNOX: The actual decision was taken?

MR SMITH: Yes.

MR KNOX: If we can move to 9th July. If one can look first of all at Mr Campbell's diary entries at CAB/39/2, and the entry under the heading "9 July 2003", do you have that Mr Smith?

MR SMITH: I do, yes.

MR KNOX: "BBC story moving away because they were refusing to take on the source idea. There was a big conspiracy at work really. We kept pressing on as best we could at the briefings, but the biggest thing needed was the source out. We agreed that we should not do it ourselves..." Presumably, you had some discussions with Mr Campbell on the morning of Wednesday 9th July?

MR SMITH: Yes, I would have obviously had discussions at the morning meeting.

MR KNOX: Does that reflect certainly what Mr Campbell's view was, as he expressed it to you, at the morning of 9th July?

MR SMITH: Yes, but I think there is a qualitative difference between a desire for something to happen and actually taking concrete steps to make it happen.

MR KNOX: Certainly. But when he says, "We agreed that we should not do it ourselves", he is obviously referring to himself but is he referring to you as well as far as you are aware?

MR SMITH: As far as I am somebody who speaks to the press on behalf of the Prime Minister at Downing Street, then yes.

MR KNOX: Certainly you did not disagree with him on that point?

MR SMITH: No, absolutely not.

MR KNOX: Obviously it is thought by Mr Campbell that it is a good idea to get the source out, it is the biggest thing needed: we must get the name out. If one goes to CAB/11/135, you can see some of the thinking which appears to be going on; and I do not know if you were copied in on these e-mails or if you knew precisely what was happening, but it certainly seems that one of the thoughts that was certainly in Mr Campbell's mind was that it would be a good thing for the source, Mr Gilligan and Mr Campbell all to give evidence to the ISC. You can see that from the e-mail at the foot of CAB/11/135: "I'm wondering whether in the light of yesterday's developments, there is not a case for me doing more with the ISC than the half hour with a limited focus on intelligence handling. If the BBC source situation develops as it might, surely it is in our interest for the ISC to delve deeply into this, by interviewing the source, and Gilligan and myself, and for us all putting over our concerns..." You will see there is a reply from Clare Sumner, to whom this is sent. You will see the subject matter of this e-mail: "Re ISC/FAC". She says: "I have not gone back to them yet -- we could offer them 8.30 to 9.45 on 17 July." Mr Smith, you may or may not know, but one draws the inference from this that Clare Sumner is the person responsible for liaising with the ISC on this matter; is that right?

MR SMITH: That is right, yes.

MR KNOX: Then there is a further e-mail at the top from Jonathan Powell: "We should certainly get them to interview Gilligan and source, and best if you give evidence after both of them." Certainly the thinking in the early morning of Tuesday 9th is: let us get to the ISC and make sure that the source is interviewed by the ISC and Gilligan is interviewed by the ISC and then Mr Campbell can come along and sweep up at the end. That presumably is the thinking at that stage?

MR SMITH: This is the Wednesday, not the Tuesday.

MR KNOX: Sorry, Wednesday 9th, I apologise. It would seem, however, that the ISC are slightly difficult about the matter. One can find that at CAB/1/87. Again, I do not think this is an e-mail which you are copied in on but it is sent to Clare Sumner -- rather Clare Sumner is involved in the e-mails. Looking at the one at the end of the page, from Clare Sumner to Alastair Campbell: "I have confirmed that you will appear from 8.30 to 9.45 on 17 July and will have to leave promptly. "I asked where they were with other interviews. "The ISC Clerk told me that the Committee were not interested in interviewing Andrew G as he could not say anything more to them than the FAC. "He said [that must be the ISC Clerk said] that on the source they were waiting for David Omand to write to them with the correspondence. He implied that he did not believe it was the source so could not see the point of the ISC seeing him and said they were not interested in the BBC/Alastair Campbell row. The fact he rested this on was that Gilligan said that he had known his source for years whereas the MoD said months. I think this point could be clarified in the letter from David Omand to the ISC. I pointed out that the BBC had not denied he was the source." So it seems that certainly the ISC route has been rather closed off on 9th July. They are not really cooperating very much; and the difficulty that creates is twofold. First of all, you cannot get Mr Gilligan and the source to give evidence to the ISC, but presumably it also makes it harder to get the name out by having the ISC, I suppose, writing a letter which is then publicised. The ISC simply are not prepared to have anything to do with it. That seems to be the position on 9th July?

MR SMITH: I was not aware that there was any hesitation in respect of the ISC, but yes.

MR KNOX: And likewise the BBC seemed to be slightly difficult, because we know that they refused to name their source, and I do not need to take you to that letter unless you want to look at it. It seems by the early morning on 9th July it is actually decided that a letter must be written to Mr Gavyn Davies at the BBC, actually naming Dr Kelly in confidence. You can see that at CAB/11/10. This is from Jonathan Powell to you and Tom Kelly presumably, a joint e-mail address?

MR SMITH: Correct, yes.

MR KNOX: "Geoff Hoon will write to Gavyn Davies with the name this morning, whether the BBC want the name or not. You should check with his private office that the letter has gone before your 11 o'clock briefing." Then there is more stuff about the source and so forth. You reply a little later noting the point you had spotted in the Telegraph that morning. It seems No. 10 then helpfully drafted the proposed letter that was going to be sent to Mr Davies. If you look at CAB/11/136, this is a letter sent from the Garden Rooms in the House to Director of News, that perhaps is at the MoD, and then Defence Secretary, with copies to the press office.

MR SMITH: Hmm, hmm.

MR KNOX: "Alastair's note of 9 July." Then over the page at 137 you can see a draft letter; and you will see that this is going to be a draft letter to Mr Davies which, at the foot of the letter, actually names the source. Can I just ask you to look at three paragraphs from the end, beginning: "It is surely therefore helpful for me to give you the name of this person, so that it can be established whether this is the name of the person given to his employers by Mr Gilligan. If it is not, fine. If it is, then clearly there are major discrepancies between the real status of the individual and that claimed by Mr Gilligan and Mr Sambrook. Equally there are major discrepancies between the account of the meeting on May 22 given the source, and the account given by Mr Gilligan on air, in print and to the Foreign Affairs Committee. "I can tell you that the person is named XX and he is employed as YY." Eventually that letter is sent at I think lunchtime on Wednesday 11th. I think it is fair to say that the purpose of this letter that is being sent to the BBC is to see if the BBC is prepared to confirm that Dr Kelly is indeed the person who has come forward, and the point of that is if that happens then it will be open to you, at No. 10, to put Dr Kelly's name to the public, safely, if I can put it that way, without any risk of the BBC turning round and saying: aha, you have got the wrong man.

MR SMITH: I think the point is that we are at pains to resolve what is a very difficult issue for the Government. There is a stain against the Government's integrity and obviously there is an opportunity to try and correct the public record here. And I think if I can just come back to the point about the Select Committees, I did not really give a huge amount of thought to the issue of whether the source who we know now obviously to be Dr Kelly should appear before the Committees on the Monday because I was more interested in the fact whether the comparison between the two accounts was, you know, correct. But clearly during the course of Tuesday I learnt more about our contacts with the Committees and I thought it was both inevitable that the Committees would want to see the source and I thought it desirable, in the public interest that they do so.

MR KNOX: Just returning to my point, can I ask you to look at CAB/1/214? This is part of the Official Spokesman's briefing at 11 o'clock that Wednesday. This I think was being given by Mr Kelly.

MR SMITH: Hmm, hmm.

MR KNOX: If you go to the second paragraph, about ten lines down on page 214, halfway across the page there is the sentence: "Asked to give one good reason why the BBC should accede to Downing Street's request when doing so would mean revealing its source, the PMOS said that all we were asking the BBC to do was confirm whether our name was the wrong one or not. If it was the right man, there would be no problem about revealing the identity of a source because he had already come forward voluntarily. Questioned as to whether the man had been pressurised into coming forward, the PMOS said that he did not recognise the scenario..." Certainly the inference one draws from that is it was intended -- if the BBC said yes, it is Dr Kelly, then No. 10 would have felt at liberty to give out Dr Kelly's name. Do you recall that being the thinking?

MR SMITH: Well it was certainly the case that part of our thinking was what Dr Kelly himself had said, namely that he recognised that his name would emerge and come into the public domain, but that he wanted some time to prepare his family and friends for that eventuality. So I do not think anyone was under any impression other than that this was inevitable and that Dr Kelly recognised that.

MR KNOX: Yes. But I think Mr Campbell obviously wanted to get the name out. We know that. On Wednesday morning he wants to get the name out. Certainly looking at this extract here, one way in which No. 10 will be able to get the name out is if the BBC say: yes, it is indeed Dr Kelly.

MR SMITH: Hmm, hmm.

MR KNOX: But the difficulty is that the BBC refused to help and they reply on 9th July, I think, saying: we are not prepared to give the name out. So you have a problem by midday on Wednesday. First of all, the ISC is not being very helpful, so it is going to be difficult to get the name out through the ISC route. It is going to be difficult, by midday on the Wednesday, to get the BBC to agree anything because they seem to be slightly obtuse about coming forward, saying who the source is. And is there not a further problem, you might be able to help on this: that certainly according to some of the extracts from this briefing note here, even the public was getting a bit bored with the whole issue? Can I just ask you to go to CAB/1/215? Near the foot of the page, in fact really right at the foot of the page -- I should say this again is the briefing, I think, at 11 am in the morning. Near the foot of the page, three lines from the end: "The PMOS [that would be Tom Kelly] said he understood that people were bored with this story and that the BBC wanted to move on. We all did. However, given the seriousness of the allegations and the fact that they had been defended from the very top of the BBC, we believed that it was right for us to put our perfectly legitimate questions into the public domain." You see Mr Kelly repeating this point at CAB/1/220 at the top of the page: "Questioned as to whether Geoff Hoon had written his letter to the BBC in green ink given Downing Street's apparent obsession with the whole issue, the PMOS said that on the day Mr Gilligan had made his charge, people had said that the allegation went right to the heart of the integrity of the Government ... we recognised that people were bored with this story. So were we." Then he continued that it is a very serious allegation. Certainly if one, as it were, puts together the chronology, the background at 2 o'clock on Wednesday afternoon was the ISC was not particularly interested in helping, the BBC is not particularly interested in helping, and the public is getting rather bored with the story. But on the other hand it is very important to get the name of the source out. Just bearing in mind that background, what as it were a neutral observer, not having heard your evidence, might think looking at your e-mail is this: it is decided at No. 10, whether on your own instigation or perhaps someone else's, that one way you might be able to get the name out, although it was not really your preferred route, was to see if someone could interest the Foreign Affairs Committee in the issue; and so someone perhaps suggested to you: we might have to interest the Foreign Affairs Committee, why do we not write them a helpful letter just to make life easier if that is what we have to do? What would you say to that suggestion?

MR SMITH: The first point, in relation to the ISC, the e-mail that you showed me actually comes after the one that I sent to Clare Sumner. So I was not aware that the ISC were ever expressing any concern in relation to seeing the source. I always thought it was inevitable. What I would say is this: I understand why on first sight this looks curious and that it looks as though it has been oddly drafted. I think if I was to look at this without any explanation, I would think the same. However, as I say, given that there was no intention that any action should be taken and no action was taken, no contact was made, as I have said, you know, I hope people recognise that it is benign. But coming back to this point in respect of, you know, where I was at that particular moment in respect of the Select Committees, I assumed that it was both inevitable and indeed desirable, in the public interest, that Dr Kelly appeared before them. That was my view then. I have to say it changed later in the week but that was my view then.

MR KNOX: Just on that point, I mean obviously the first thing one might say is it is rather curious that this is written as a draft press release. If your concern was to explain to Clare Sumner why it was important that -- or rather your thoughts were important, why do you actually choose to draft it as a draft press release rather than simply write a short note saying to Clare Sumner: well, this is what the point is?

MR SMITH: Well, my recollection of precisely what was going through my mind at this particular juncture is fairly vague. I have to say, most of what I write is written from a media perspective, ie either a press statement or a briefing note which I can use at a briefing. That is my normal, if you like, style.

MR KNOX: This is a press statement which you are writing, so to speak, in someone else's name which seems a slightly unusual way of doing it.

MR SMITH: I have accepted that it looks curious, absolutely. All I can say, and I repeat, is that it was totally benign and the explanation is as straightforward as wanting to explain more concisely to a colleague what I had been struggling to explain on the telephone and this is a device that allows me to do that.

MR KNOX: I think it is fair to say, if you look at the top paragraph on CAB/25/5, it does rather pick up precisely the same point that was being made earlier in the day in the e-mails I showed you about going to the ISC, namely: "In the light of the new evidence from the MoD ... and the BBC own statement in response we believe we need to see AG, RS and source." It does seem to reflect exactly the same concerns as were being expressed earlier in the day in relation to the proposed attendance in front of the ISC. Is that purely coincidental?

MR SMITH: Well, the ISC as I say I think came later that day. But in respect of at this point, I mean this is not -- this is not a new point, if you like. It is a point that I thought was extremely important on the Tuesday, which is why I think if you remember in my first appearance before the Inquiry I thought it was important that it was in the first statement, namely the answer that had been given by Andrew Gilligan at the Select Committee. Now, this was my personal view, as I say, that it would be desirable, in the public interest, for the Committees to look at this issue. I also thought, as I say, that it was something that there was a natural dynamic to. I think if you look at -- in respect of the Foreign Affairs Committee, the Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman virtually acknowledged to Andrew Gilligan and indeed to Alastair that the inquiry in the first instance was set up as a direct result of that broadcast. So it did not seem to me, you know, anything out of the ordinary to presuppose that they would want to see people again about this.

MR KNOX: If you thought it was perfectly natural for the Foreign Affairs Committee to want to see Mr Gilligan, why on earth should you not, in the position you found yourself in, want to draft a short letter on behalf of the FAC which might speed the process up if the FAC were indeed approached on that point?

MR SMITH: Because that would be a wholly inappropriate thing to do. Whilst I thought it was inevitable, it is not for me in any way, shape or form or anybody else to exert pressure on the Committee to make that judgment, and nor did I seek to.

MR KNOX: Can I just turn to a different subject for a moment? Could you go please to CAB/39/2? If you scroll to the last entry on the page, under the heading "15th July", this is an extract from Mr Campbell's diary: "Looking forward to Kelly giving evidence, but GS, CR and I all predicted it would be a disaster and so it proved." Can I just ask you why certainly Mr Campbell appears to have got the impression that you predicted it was going to be a disaster?

MR SMITH: Certainly. As I said earlier, by the end of the following -- sorry, the previous week, I had essentially come to the view that although it was inevitable that Dr Kelly would have to appear before the Committees, I thought they would generate more heat than light. The reason why I say that is that the BBC, when Dr Kelly's name had come out, had essentially said they were not going to say anything more about the issue. I therefore thought that Dr Kelly would have to appear but unless the BBC were prepared, if you like, to say something positively different, and I did not believe that they would, that, as I say, nothing would come of this in a way of helping to correct the public record. I think as Alastair said yesterday, and I would not disagree with this, although we felt that we were throughout the wronged party, and that very serious allegations had been made against the Government, which were untrue, at every stage that we had tried to correct them, be it through a statement by the Prime Minister, a statement by the Chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee, things had not transpired as we would have liked and that it was a case of, if you like, one step forward, two steps back. I think this was a sort of rather chance comment predicting that we were unlikely to be in a better place after this than before.

MR KNOX: You see the way the sentence reads is the evidence was a disaster: "Looking forward to Kelly giving evidence, but GS, CR and I all predicted it would be a disaster and so it proved." That rather suggests that you had your concerns, you all had your concerns about Dr Kelly going forward to give evidence. Is that not really what the position was?

MR SMITH: I said when I first appeared before the Inquiry that I was surprised by how Dr Kelly had appeared before the Committee, that I had expected him to be much more confident. What I had expected him to do was to go before the Committee and essentially say what he had said to the MoD, namely that he had not said all the things that he was reported to have said, and indeed I believed that because he was not in a position to make those judgments. Now, that had not happened. No, I cannot account for that, but I suppose, in terms of the prediction that I was making, it was more one of weary resignation.

MR KNOX: It was not that you all feared that perhaps Dr Kelly had not been candid with the MoD and that that was in the back of everyone's mind?

MR SMITH: No. As I said, certainly from my perspective I believe that Dr Kelly had told the truth to the MoD; that he had come forward voluntarily, that he had had two extended interviews with them and, as I say, the most important point insofar as supporting my view was the fact that he was not in a position to make the judgments that he was reported to have made; and I was convinced that he was the source for the reasons that I have stated in terms of Andrew Gilligan's answer. I was also convinced that the account had been embellished.

MR KNOX: I ask you finally to clarify one point at CAB/1/56. This is a draft of the press statement. Someone has written in hand at the top of the copy we have been given: "Saved on Godric's machine 8/7/2003 16:35 (created 12:35)." First of all, do you know who wrote those entries in hand at the top?

MR SMITH: I do not.

MR KNOX: One understands "created 12.35", that suggests that is the time you started drafting the statement on your computer, is that right, on Tuesday 8th?

MR SMITH: There is actually a computer explanation that shows this document being created three times. Essentially there was one document which I created which we subsequently worked on, and that was the one which I created at something like 8 o'clock in the morning. In respect of the saving time, that indeed would be correct. I should point out, and my recollection of this is very strong, that the meeting that we had in my office lasted something like half an hour/three quarters of an hour. It concluded 3 o'clock/3.15. I would then have gone to do the briefing over at the Palace of Westminster and would have saved the document on my return.

MR KNOX: When you left, did you leave people behind?

MR SMITH: No, absolutely not. My recollection of this, again it is strong, is that a copy was printed out and Kevin Tebbit took it back to the Ministry of Defence.

MR KNOX: So Kevin Tebbit would have taken that back at about 3.15?

MR SMITH: Something like that, yes.

MR KNOX: Then you finally close the document down at 4.35 when you get back, is that right?

MR SMITH: Exactly. Precisely.

LORD HUTTON: Thank you very much, Mr Smith. Thank you.

MR SMITH: Thank you.

MR JOHN SCARLETT (called)
Examined by MR SUMPTION

MR SUMPTION: Mr Scarlett, you have given evidence before and I am not going to go over more than some of the matters that you covered on that occasion and some further matters. When you undertook to oversee the preparation of the September dossier, what did you, at that stage, understand to be its purpose?

MR SCARLETT: My clear understanding, at that stage, was that it -- the purpose of the assessment was to put into the public domain and share, as far as was possible, taking account of security, the intelligence assessment which was available to the Prime Minister and the Government about Iraq and weapons of mass destruction.

MR SUMPTION: How did the task of preparing the dossier compare with the task of preparing formal JIC assessments?

MR SCARLETT: Well, there were very strong similarities. We were using the same procedures, the same coordinating machinery, the same people who would draft normal JIC assessments; and we were following the same basic approach, that there would be a substantial body of text containing analysis, drawing on a wide range of sources; and then there would also be judgments, which would be at the front; this is the procedure which is used for JIC assessments. Of course there were differences. The big difference was this was clearly not a straightforward, normal JIC assessment. It was for the public domain. It was therefore for a different audience; and it was designed to bring together existing standing JIC assessments. It was not planning to formulate new ones, although it was also planned, and indeed the instruction of the JIC was on these lines, that new intelligence or recent intelligence should be incorporated.

MR SUMPTION: How did the fact that it was for a public audience affect the process?

MR SCARLETT: The main point there was how were points and issues to be expressed for an audience which was, first of all, not used to reading intelligence assessments, and would not be familiar with some of the material.

MR SUMPTION: You have already described, in earlier evidence, how the decision was made that you should have ownership of the dossier. What did you see as the purpose of appointing you to do that and how did you see your own personal role?

MR SCARLETT: Well, I was very clear, from the beginning, about this. I think I explained this when I gave evidence before, that a proposal of this kind, and a project of this kind, needed to have strong central control in one person and in one body, in this case the JIC. That person, and it was me, would then be in a position to put in place a robust drafting process which would ensure that the body concerned, the JIC, had proper editorial control, which would allow the assessment to stay in line with existing JIC assessments, would enable sources and methods to be properly protected, at the same time as intelligence to be brought forward and used if it was safe to do so.

MR SUMPTION: Did you, at any stage of the drafting process, consider whether there was any tension between the Government's purpose in publishing the dossier and your purpose in objectively presenting the available intelligence?

MR SCARLETT: No, I did not. I did not see that tension there. And if there had been any tension, I was confident that it could be handled because we were using the standard procedures and the authority of the JIC.

MR SUMPTION: You mentioned this a moment ago, but I wonder if you can expand on it slightly: can you explain the structure of a formal JIC assessment and tell us how it compares with the structure of the dossier as published?

MR SCARLETT: Well, a formal JIC assessment, its purpose is to address certain questions, which are placed before the JIC. And the assessment itself, the text of the assessment, seeks to answer those questions or at least discuss them, as far as possible, drawing on all sources. JIC assessments drawing on all sources, including the most secret sources, that is their particular feature. So there is a lot of analytical work which goes into the preparation of the text of the assessment. An essential part of a JIC assessment are the key judgments, as they are called, which appear at the front. The key judgments represent the formal view of the JIC on the central questions which are being considered in the assessment itself. They are not a summary of the main points in the text. They are bringing together and drawing on existing JIC assessments, a wide body of information which may be outside, much of it open source, secret intelligence, in addition, and other relevant factors, such as past behaviour, past actions and so on. And those come together to form JIC judgments.

MR SUMPTION: You have explained the relationship between the key judgments section of a formal assessment and the main text. What did you see as the relationship between the executive summary in the dossier and the main text of the dossier?

MR SCARLETT: The executive summary in the dossier contained a number of paragraphs which pointed to the main themes being covered in the text of the dossier as a whole; and they, of course, included matters relating to the past, to weapons programmes in the past, to the activity and history of the inspections, and the nature of the regime itself. Paragraph 6 in the executive summary explicitly stated that it contained a number of points which were judgments, the key phrase was "we judge that", and then it went into the judgments. And that was a parallel with the approach taken in a normal JIC assessment.

MR SUMPTION: I would like to turn to the relationship between you, as JIC Chairman, and the JIC and its assessment staff. How does the JIC operate in relation to other parts of the Government? Can you give us a description of its place in the structure of Government?

MR SCARLETT: Okay. Well, the JIC is an integral part of the intelligence and security machinery of the Government. It does not have an independent sort of statutory status or basis of its own, it is answerable to the Government, and the work it undertakes is in response to tasking from the Government. It also has a long tradition of providing independent, objective advice, drawing on all sources, including the most secret sources, to the Government and is valued for that purpose. It would not be much use if it was not able to do that. Its independence is also, of course, strongly supported by the composition of the Committee, and maybe just to remind you that the composition of the Committee is the heads of the three intelligence and security agencies, the Head of SIS, the Director of GCHQ, the Director General of the Security Service, the Director General for Defence and Intelligence at the Foreign Office, the Policy Director at the Ministry of Defence, the Director General equivalent in the Home Office, and the Chief of Defence Intelligence, the Deputy Chief of Defence Intelligence and senior officials in the DTI and the Treasury. That is the standard composition. This represents a very wide range of Government Departments, senior people, used to exercising independent judgment.

MR SUMPTION: Turning to the relationship between you, as Chairman, and to the JIC as a Committee. What, if any, authority do you personally have on the JIC's behalf?

MR SCARLETT: My authority is drawn from the JIC as a whole. I have no sort of independent, separate authority. When I speak with authority it is with the authority of the Committee or the authority delegated to me by the Committee. I do not drive the Committee as that kind of Executive Chairman.

MR SUMPTION: Are you talking about authority given by the Committee on an ad hoc basis or about some permanent authority?

MR SCARLETT: If I am presenting to the Prime Minister, for example, an assessment, an intelligence assessment of a given situation, then when I present it I am not speaking just as John Scarlett, I am speaking as the JIC Chairman and I am speaking on the authority of that assessment. It is not for me to speak off that assessment. But in the day-to-day activity in managing the affairs of the JIC, and managing the work of assessment staff which supports the JIC, I have a substantial degree of delegated authority.

MR SUMPTION: Can you explain the working relationship between the JIC, as a committee, and its assessment staff?

MR SCARLETT: Well the assessment staff form part of the Intelligence and Security Secretariat in the Cabinet Office of which I am the head, and therefore they report to me as the head of the Intelligence and Security Secretariat. Their function is to prepare coordinated assessments, working in close conjunction with representatives of the departments which are -- and agencies represented on the JIC. Draft assessments which are then for consideration by the JIC itself, in one form or another. They also have the task, after the JIC has considered an assessment, to take account of the points raised and agreed by the JIC, to amend the draft accordingly and to issue it under my authority as Chairman.

MR SUMPTION: You have already described how the actual drafting was done by the assessment staff under your supervision and the process by which you reviewed successive drafts. Can you tell us what the procedures were by which other members of the JIC had input into the dossier?

MR SCARLETT: Well, there were three key mechanisms. The first was the drafting group, senior drafting group, an interdepartmental drafting group which I set up -- well I arranged for it to be called together, on 5th September it actually met, and on 9th September. This was chaired at the very senior level of Chief of Assessment Staff, Mr Miller. But it was based on the concept of and way of working of the Current Intelligence Groups who normally support the work of the JIC, and on that drafting group there were representatives of SIS, DIS, MoD, FCO, GCHQ. The drafting group had two meetings, but very importantly it was in constant contact with itself, as it were virtually, through e-mail and by telephone. And so that was a key mechanism from the beginning, based on established JIC procedures.

LORD HUTTON: Mr Scarlett, was that a separate group than the assessment staff that usually draw up the preliminary assessments for an ordinary JIC meeting? Did it have a wider representation on it?

MR SCARLETT: My Lord, that was the standard representation from those Departments, as would normally occur in a CIG dealing with that subject. Two differences: one is it was chaired at a more senior level, because normally a CIG would be one of Mr Miller's deputies. Secondly, at the two meetings which took place on 9th and 17th September there were representatives, cleared representatives present from the News Department of the FCO and the press office at No. 10. They, however, did not form part of the discussions which took place out of those two meetings. They were not part of the sort of day by day, hour by hour work of drafting. So that was a difference.

LORD HUTTON: Yes. But was that basically the same sort of group as would have prepared a preliminary assessment to go to the JIC for an ordinary JIC assessment, which would have nothing to do with the dossier?

MR SCARLETT: Yes, it was, in essence, my Lord and it was following the same working practices; and the drafting group followed the same working practice as a CIG.

MR SUMPTION: You said there were a number of mechanisms by which JIC members had input into the drafting process. You described one of them, the representation of the various organisations on the drafting group. Were you going to identify others?

MR SCARLETT: Yes, I was. Two others. Secondly, and a key mechanism, was the circulation of drafts of the text to JIC members themselves. This happened throughout this process on three occasions, three drafts on 11th September, 16th September, 19th September. This is three times more than happens in a normal process. In a normal JIC process the senior members, the principals would receive one draft quite shortly before the meeting itself. So this was to try to ensure that there was very full visibility for JIC members throughout this process. Then thirdly, of course, there were the meetings of the JIC at which the draft dossier itself, you know, was a question. The most important of those meetings was on 11th September. And if it is helpful, I will just describe what happened there. On 11th September, a draft had been circulated to JIC members first thing that morning. At the meeting itself I, as the Chairman, invited them to comment on the content of the draft, that was after we had had an initial discussion about the concept of the proposal itself, that the JIC had given its formal agreement to take this work on and the work, of course, had already been under way, and stressed the importance of ensuring editorial control. I invited comment on the content. The JIC responded with several important points. One was that it wanted the instructions of the -- instructions of the -- one was that it wanted the drafters to convey the rising level of concern on which the JIC took its view about Iraq's programmes and development of weapons of mass destruction. It wanted, in particular, to highlight, or wanted the drafters to highlight the progress which was being made since 1998, despite sanctions. It wanted the drafters to make it clear the JIC assessment that Iraq was ready to use these weapons. It also wanted the drafters to take full account of the recent intelligence which had been coming in. These were clear instructions to the drafters from the JIC.

LORD HUTTON: What time was the meeting of the JIC on that date, Mr Scarlett?

MR SCARLETT: My Lord it was at the normal time of 3 o'clock in the afternoon.

LORD HUTTON: 3 o'clock. Thank you.

MR SUMPTION: Would you like to describe the process of JIC members' involvement going forward from that date?

MR SCARLETT: Right. That was on 11th September. And the JIC concluded by saying that it would, of course, wish to see further progress on the draft before authority was given for it to issue. On 16th September, a new draft was issued by the assessment staff to the members of the drafting group and -- I am just trying to remember the dates -- that was circulated, in fact, by me to JIC members. In the instruction or in the note that I sent out covering that draft, I asked members to ensure that their representatives would come fully armed to the drafting group meeting which had been called for the following day at 0900 hours on 17th September, armed with proposals, amendments, suggested changes and so on. So that was highlighted for them, that there was going to be a meeting and that they should ensure their representatives were properly equipped for it. On 17th September there was the meeting of the drafting group, which took place in the morning at 0900 hours under the chairmanship of Julian Miller. That lasted for about two hours. Then after that, the assessment staff took away, as it would normally do after a CIG, a number of points which needed to be worked on in the text. On 18th September, there was the further sort of regular weekly meeting of the JIC at which the state of play on the draft was discussed and I communicated to the Committee where we had got to on the drafting, following the draft put on the 16th and the meeting of the 17th of the drafting group. I warned them that a new draft would be circulating very shortly. I was not quite sure when, but that we needed to have it ready and complete by the end of the following day. The Committee also noted that some new intelligence had come in on nuclear matters which would need to be incorporated in the draft. The Committee raised no particular point -- no points of further debate or contention. As promised, the new draft was circulated very first thing on 19th September. Comments were asked for by 3 o'clock that afternoon. Comments were received from the DIS, from the GCHQ, from SIS. They were incorporated or not by the assessment staff, as was their delegated authority; and the final draft was put out on the 20th, on the Friday.

MR SUMPTION: Right. What was done with the final draft? Was there any further input after the 20th by members of the JIC?

MR SCARLETT: There was no further input by members of the JIC into the draft which was circulated early on Friday the 20th. The procedure which had been followed the previous day was the standard established JIC procedure for circulating a draft before issue, under the silence procedure; and the JIC members understood, very clearly, that this was their chance to comment. If they did not take it, then no comment meant assent.

MR SUMPTION: In your experience of this procedure, do you tend to get comments coming back from people who feel that something needs to be modified?

MR SCARLETT: Well, it varies. Very often members will not comment at all at this stage of the process but quite often they do. But those comments are then considered by assessment staff, who are not obliged automatically to take them because they have to judge them against standing assessments and also the other intelligence which is available before the Committee. And they will then, or the final draft will then issue under a normal process under my authority. Very rarely, or rarely a JIC member or members may say that they do want to consider the draft again in full Committee before it issues; and if so, that is fine, then we do so. But I should say that almost never does a JIC look at a draft word for word, line by line, and issue it with no further changes. That is not the way that the Committee operates.

MR SUMPTION: Yes. Were there any comments received when the 19th draft was circulated?

MR SCARLETT: Yes, there were comments, particularly from DIS. I had asked, in the covering note, for essential comments by 3 o'clock in the afternoon. I had three pages of largely nonessential comments from DIS, in addition to a few comments from GCHQ and SIS. The majority of the detailed comments from DIS were incorporated. It is an efficient system, it is used to working like that.

LORD HUTTON: May I ask you, dealing not with the dossier but with a normal JIC assessment: if after a JIC meeting at which is discussed a draft assessment and it approves it, the assessment staff does further work on the draft and it is then circulated to JIC members, do I understand the position to be that if a JIC member raises some objection, that is brought back to the assessment staff and the assessment staff themselves may decide whether or not to accept the point made by the JIC member in the light of their knowledge of all the intelligence; is that what happens?

MR SCARLETT: Well, not quite, my Lord, because it would not normally be necessarily an objection.

LORD HUTTON: Well a comment then.

MR SCARLETT: The point that may be raised would much more likely be a comment, a comment of detail or maybe the shading of a point or shading of a judgment. And the Chief of Assessment Staff and ultimately I myself have to consider those against, because they will come from one particular member, have to consider them against the overall community attitude, standing assessments and intelligence which is available. That is a delegated authority which the assessment staff under my Chairmanship have and has actually worked very well.

LORD HUTTON: Yes, but whether or not you would be made aware of a particular comment, would that depend on its weight or how important it was? Are there circumstances where if some comment on a minor matter was made, Mr Miller might deal with it himself without placing it before you?

MR SCARLETT: Yes, he would, certainly, my Lord.

LORD HUTTON: Yes, thank you.

MR SUMPTION: Are there ever matters arising from comments which require a more radical approach, for example reference back to the Committee?

MR SCARLETT: That does happen or it can happen but it is very rare; and almost always, certainly in my experience, if the Committee is going to want to see a draft again it will say so when it is discussing it at the meeting on the day in question. So probably because there have been some substantial discussions, substantial changes, some complicated new intelligence or something like that which requires it really to have further discussion that will be flagged up by the Committee when it meets and say: can we look at this next time and in the meantime look at the draft. That is a very unusual occurrence.

MR SUMPTION: I want to ask you about the input of non-JIC personnel into the drafting of the dossier. What if any input do you expect the Prime Minister and his staff to have in the drafting process?

MR SCARLETT: The Prime Minister of course had commissioned this dossier, and I knew that he regarded it as important and I expected him to be interested in the way in which the assessment was presented and explained. As regards his staff, I expected his senior staff, reflecting the interests of the Prime Minister, to be ready to offer advice on a range of presentationally linked points regarding the dossier, because this was an unusual project; it was not a normal JIC assessment, it was being prepared for the public domain.

MR SUMPTION: Just stopping you there, when you refer to the Prime Minister's senior staff, who are you talking about?

MR SCARLETT: Well, I am thinking in that respect of Alastair Campbell, Sir David Manning, Jonathan Powell.

MR SUMPTION: Sorry, go on.

MR SCARLETT: So I was expecting that. Indeed, I made it clear that I was open to such advice and that I was likely to find it useful, because these were points on which the JIC itself did not have standing expertise.

MR SUMPTION: We have seen a number of e-mails containing comments from No. 10 staff on drafts of the dossier, many of which you said when you previously gave evidence you did not yourself see at the time.

MR SCARLETT: That is right.

MR SUMPTION: Can you please summarise for us from whom and in what form you received comments from the Prime Minister or his staff on drafts?

MR SCARLETT: Yes. Well, I received a small number of comments from the Prime Minister which were communicated to me through Alastair Campbell in a memo of 17th September. I also received points and comments from Alastair Campbell in the memo of 17th September and in three, I think, subsequent e-mails between 18th and 19th September, and I received two e-mails from Jonathan Powell.

MR SUMPTION: Yes. Now, were you told about anyone else's comments or actually given anyone else's comments, for example Mr Pruce or Mr Bassett?

MR SCARLETT: No.

MR SUMPTION: Right. Could we have, please, CAB/11/66, which is the 17th September memo that you have just mentioned. It will come up on the screen in a moment. On the first page we have the comments of the Prime Minister which you have referred to.

MR SCARLETT: Hmm.

MR SUMPTION: On the second page, and over to the top of the third page, we have 16 numbered points made by Alastair Campbell.

MR SCARLETT: That is right.

MR SUMPTION: Could I ask you, please, with this document in front of you, just to go through the points and explain what your reaction was to each of these points and what if anything you thought or did about them?

MR SCARLETT: Right. Well, taking the first point here, this is a reference to the fact that in the day before it had been announced that Iraq would allow inspectors to return from the UN; and in the light of that, we looked again at what we were saying in the draft about Iraq's concealment plans and activities -- what the intelligence was saying, and also how we were expressing the success or otherwise of sanctions and the policy of containment. This, of course, was a point that we had been expressly asked to highlight by the JIC at its meeting of 11th September. We amended the draft both in the executive summary and in the text to take account of intelligence which had become available, which was very clear about Iraq's confidence that it could learn lessons from its past experience with the inspectors, and pursue effective concealment plans. And we also made it clear in the executive summary, I think I am right in saying, that the intelligence showed clearly that progress was being made despite actions and a policy of containment. As I said, that was something we had been asked to look at by the JIC. So I was quite clear on this point that the amendments that I have referred to were very strongly based in recent intelligence and in JIC instructions.

MR SUMPTION: Point 2.

MR SCARLETT: Point 2 was an interesting one. This referred to the fact that in the executive summary of the 16th September draft there was a firm statement that Saddam's sons had authority to authorise the issue of CBW. That was an important point, of course, because it related to the likelihood or not of it actually being used. In the main text it was less clear and there was a degree of uncertainty. That was correct. The intelligence did not support what was in the executive summary and so we changed the executive summary accordingly to reflect the state of the intelligence. I should add there that subsequently, so in the 19th September draft, the wording reflected that uncertainty. I should add that in the final version which was put out, the wording of that point was as it were caveated even further to make it clear that there was intelligence that Qusay, the second son, may have that authority, but it did not have certainty.

MR SUMPTION: Point 3.

MR SCARLETT: This related to the reporting about uranium from Africa. The intelligence did not say that it had been secured, it only supported the point that it was being sought. In fact, in the wording -- and that is what the 16th September draft said; and in the 19th September draft we anyway amended that further, nothing to do with these comments here, to take out the reference to compelling evidence that it had sought uranium in Africa, firstly because we had received further intelligence between the two drafts which indicated that it was being sought but no more; and anyway the word "compelling" is not a word that we would normally use unless we had a very high -- in fact, we would never use it in a JIC assessment, and we took it out. So there was softening of that point too, but that was nothing to do with the point made here.

MR SUMPTION: So the answer to Mr Campbell's question, "Can we say he has secured uranium from Africa"?

MR SCARLETT: No we could not.

MR SUMPTION: It was no. Point 4?

MR SCARLETT: In the executive summary on the 16th there was a reference to the purchase of aluminium tubes which were thought to relate to centrifuge manufacture for production of fissile material, and 60,000 was indeed a figure that they had been trying to purchase. We initially thought that we would put that in, in fact we did not, in fact we took out the whole reference in the executive summary to that point and in addition in the 19th September version we caveated the reference in the text to the tubes, making it clear that there was no definitive intelligence that they were related to nuclear matters. That was a reflection of the state of the intelligence.

MR SUMPTION: Point 5?

MR SCARLETT: That was a point of detail which we were able to address.

MR SUMPTION: 6?

MR SCARLETT: That was clearly not the right language and we took it out.

MR SUMPTION: 7?

MR SCARLETT: Another point of detail which we addressed.

MR SUMPTION: How did you address it?

MR SCARLETT: We put in -- we stated that it was illegally gained.

MR SUMPTION: On what was that based?

MR SCARLETT: That was based on a range of information, none of that 3 billion was within the initial UN funding arrangements.

MR SUMPTION: Point 8?

MR SCARLETT: No, we could not give those quantities.

MR SUMPTION: 9?

MR SCARLETT: This is a reference to the summary of the two -- of a March 2002 JIC assessment which had included a reference to intelligence about VX, that is a nerve agent, an extremely dangerous nerve agent, production by the Iraqis, and "might" was indeed the most that the intelligence would support. In fact, that whole passage from the JIC assessment which was being summarised at that point was taken out in the final version because we believed that the intelligence did not quite support that statement.

MR SUMPTION: Did you go back to the intelligence for the purposes of dealing with questions like 9? There are other examples here.

MR SCARLETT: Yes, we did. That was quite an important decision, to take that whole reference out, because the state of their capability and, in particular, production and weapons filling with VX was a very important one. It was referred to as a capability at a later point in the assessment; and we did not feel that it was right to refer to it in those terms in that particular section, it was giving too much weight to the point.

MR SUMPTION: Point 10 is about the 45 minutes point.

MR SCARLETT: Yes.

MR SUMPTION: What do you say about that?

MR SCARLETT: Right. Well, that is a reference to the fact that in the text as drafted on 16th September there was a clear inconsistency between the way in which the 45 minutes point was expressed in the executive summary, where for the first time in the drafting it was being expressed as a judgment, not as a reference to recent intelligence; the way it was expressed in the conclusions, the main conclusions in that part of the dossier dealing with chemical and biological weaponry, and also in the body of the text for that part, and then in the main conclusions, a box, which at that stage was in the draft at the end; and in the executive summary at the beginning and in the conclusion at the end it was stated that the chemical and biological weapons could be ready for use within 45 minutes; and in the body -- in that main conclusions part in the body of the text and also in the text it was "may". This was clearly an inconsistency which was unbalanced and needed to be addressed. As it happened, completely separate from this point, the DIS had raised the question in advance of the drafting meeting which was taking place under Julian Miller's Chairmanship at 0900 hours on 17th September, had raised the wording in the 16th September draft of the executive judgment, and had said that they thought it was rather strong. They did not think that the point should not be in the dossier, they thought that judgment was rather strong. So that was the subject of discussion at the 17th September meeting before this memo was received.

MR SUMPTION: Yes.

MR SCARLETT: It was decided that, after the end of the discussion, that the assessment staff would go away and look at the 9th September classified assessment and also at the intelligence and bring the wording of the text, the two middle sort of points, into line with what the assessment and the intelligence said. The assessment staff also pointed out that the executive summary was worded in the form of a judgment, which was a different point, and the DIS proposal had been it should be qualified "intelligence suggests that". The assessment staff view was you could not do that with a judgment, a judgment is either a judgment or it is not there at all. It is not possible to qualify it with "intelligence indicates" or "intelligence suggests" or whatever. So that was their -- that was how they left it. Subsequently --

MR SUMPTION: Just pausing there, were those decisions you have just described made before or after those involved learned of this comment?

MR SCARLETT: Yes, that discussion took place before this comment was received; and that work was undertaken before this comment was received. As I now know, and we did not at the time, the matter was discussed within the DIS at a meeting chaired by Tony Cragg in the afternoon of the 17th September when it was decided not to pursue the point raised by DIS any further. So the action that was taken by assessment staff, consistent with what they had said at the morning meeting, was to amend the draft, and when the new draft was circulated it had been amended to take account of the action that they had taken. This had absolutely nothing to do with any of this. When I replied on this point on the 18th, I said that I think the wording had been tightened. What that meant, quite clearly, was that the wording had been brought into line so the inconsistency had been removed, and it had been brought into line with the underlying intelligence.

MR SUMPTION: It has been suggested, on behalf of the BBC, that if there is an inconsistency you should tone down the executive summary rather than tone up the text.

MR SCARLETT: But as of course I have explained, the executive summary for the dossier, in paragraph 6, which is the relevant part, took the form of a judgment. It was not a summary of the main points in the text, it was a judgment.

MR SUMPTION: Point 11.

MR SCARLETT: Yes, sorry. That was a reference to the way in which I think it was material which was being procured, I think that is it, was either being used or capable of being used; and the suggestion was one for clarity of language. We thought it was clearer and we accepted it.

MR SUMPTION: 12.

MR SCARLETT: We separately, the DIS had raised this point thinking that the intelligence was not strong enough about the purpose of the vaccine plant and its relationship to the BW programme to merit its mention and so we took it out, quite separately from this.

MR SUMPTION: 13.

MR SCARLETT: This was a date correction. It was a right correction, so we accepted it.

MR SUMPTION: 14.

MR SCARLETT: This was interesting. This related to the most important and complex issue which was under discussion throughout the process of preparing the dossier, the draft dossier, which was the question of how to express the points relating to Iraq's nuclear ambitions. This was quite a complicated matter of different levels of activity, and it was a subject of ongoing discussion. This, here, is a reference to the fact that Alastair Campbell was concerned about the way in which this was being expressed, but work was under way on that anyway and had been for some days involving assessment staff, SIS and, mainly, DIS, and it was eventually resolved. In fact, although Alastair Campbell was kept informed of this issue because it was something which he was legitimately interested in, we had to be doing this anyway because the United States and the IISS, the strategic studies institute, had already publicly said what they believed Iraq's capability to produce a nuclear warhead, if it obtained illicitly from abroad fissile material, would be. Their assessment was markedly less cautious than ours so we knew we would have to be careful about how we expressed this, that work was underway anyway. Alastair Campbell himself had no input into it but he was kept informed of our developing work.

MR SUMPTION: Point 15?

MR SCARLETT: This was really as to how I was going to explain in the overall dossier the history of previous JIC assessments. I did that in a separate way, not as proposed there.

MR SUMPTION: I am not going to trouble you with point 16, the number of bullet points. Can I ask you, generally: did you think that it was appropriate for you, as JIC Chairman, to take account of comments like these coming from non-JIC personnel?

MR SCARLETT: I -- yes, I did. I saw no problem with it at all, as long as the advice that I was receiving or the comments that I was receiving and the points that were being raised in no way impinged on my judgment or questioned my judgment and the judgment of the JIC and the editorial control of the JIC. In one way or another all these points had a presentational angle to them; there were questions of clarity of language, the way things were being expressed; and I welcomed advice on those points. At no point did I feel that there was an attempt to question the editorial judgment or the intelligence judgment that was coming, so I had no problem with it. And none of my JIC colleagues had any problem with it either; and they knew, they did not see this exchange, but they knew that these exchanges were taking place.

MR SUMPTION: Some documents were provided to the Inquiry on 29th August, after you gave evidence at phase 1. Could we have CAB/27/2, please?

LORD HUTTON: Mr Sumption, it is now 1 o'clock, would this be a convenient time?

MR SUMPTION: Yes, I think I shall probably have a further 10 or 15 minutes. I am sorry to be taking a bit longer than I should, my Lord.

LORD HUTTON: No, very good. We will adjourn now.

(1.03 pm)
(The short adjournment)
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